Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition)

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Medieval and Renaissance Swiss Literature

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Boulder and Oxford: Westview Press. Taton, R. III , edited by C. Terrall, Mary. Wade, Ira O. Princeton University Press. Zissner, Judith. Zinsser, Judith and Julie C. Hayes, eds. Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century. Zinsser, Judith. New York: Viking. This section is forthcoming. Please subscribe to our Newsletter to stay on top of new video resources! It is customary to cite letters in this edition with the volume and page number, or with the letter number only.

Among the correspondents in this edition, notable natural philosophers and mathematicians include:. Ruth Hagengruber, with the assistance of Ana Rodrigues and others, is preparing the letters and manuscripts in the Voltaire Collection, St. Petersburg, National Library of Russia, for publication. Isabelle Bour and Judith Zinsser translated three letters nos. Besterman, Theodore, ed.

Lettres de M. Geneva, Paris: Cailleau. Hochet, Claude, ed. Paris: G. Scholars Portal link to PDF. Soprani, Anne, ed. Bonnel, Roland. Oxford, England: Voltaire Foundation.

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Goodman, Dena. The Republic of Letters: a cultural history of the French enlightenment. Wetzel, Nadine. Berlin, Germany: de Gruyter. They became known for their expertise in Leibnizian calculus and for solving some of the most difficult mathematical problems of their time. Therefore, the actual location of his letters is mostly unknown. The Electronic Enlightenment proprietary database contains 41 of the letters it is missing letters from 2 August and 12 December Petersburg, Russia.

Fritz Nagel amongst the papers of Johann Bernoulli, which is in a rough hand. Ebooks and Manuals

It has never before been published. Nagel that will lead to the very first publication of this important work.

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Besterman, T. Nagel, Fritz. The fragment is contained in the Electronic Enlightenment database. Boncompagni, D. Intorno alle lettere edite ed inedite di Alessio Claudio Clairaut. Boncompagni Pubblicazione postuma. Roma: Accademia nazionale dei Lincei. McNamee, Robert, ed. Electronic Enlightenment Correspondence Version 3. University of Oxford. Speziali, P. Shank, J. The Newton Wars and the beginning of the French Enlightenment.

Zinsser, Judith and O. Euler, Leonhard. Edited by V. Smirnov, T. Klado, J. Kopelevich, T. Reichenberger, Andrea. Suisky, Dieter. His tragic relationship with his father and his numerous passionate relationships with various important figures in Europe inspired a famous account of his life by Nancy Mitford ; reprinted, Although he became known as one of the greatest military commanders of the 18th century, he was also a passionate patron of the arts and sciences, who promoted rational secularism and religious toleration.

The database also contains one more additional fragment of a letter from Frederick. Preuss, Johann D. Berlin: Decker. University of Trier digital edition. Winter, Ursula. Julien Offray de la Mettrie , a French physician and natural philosopher, was one of the earliest proponents of materialism in France and indeed Europe. There is no proof so far that they had met each other in person, but the likelihood is high, as they both belonged to the same scholarly circles in Paris and shared friends, such as Maupertuis and Voltaire.

La Mettrie, Julien Offray de. La Mettrie, J. Discours sur le bonheur. Critical edition by John Falvey. Hagengruber, Ruth. Fletcher, Joseph. The letters can also be found in the Electronic Enlightenment proprietary database. Zinsser, Judith, ed. Isabelle Bour and Judith Zinsser, translators.

The man who flattened the earth: Maupertuis and the sciences in the Enlightenment. The table below describes a selection of her connections, mainly natural philosophers and scholars. Bernoulli, Johann I. Johann I, his brother Jacob, and their sons became known for their expertise in Leibnizian calculus and for solving some of the most difficult mathematical problems of their time. Clairaut, Alexis-Claude. After her death, he was instrumental in publishing this work posthumously. Fontenelle, Bernard le Bovier de.

Frederic II, King of Prussia. Jurin, James. Mairan, Jean Jacques Dortous de. Mairan wrote a reply to her criticisms in , to which she wrote a rejoinder.

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Maupertuis, Pierre Louis Moreau du. Not a traditional philosopher, he nevertheless engaged with many leading scholars and natural philosophers across Europe, including Frederick the Great and members of his Academy of Sciences. Wolff, Christian. Online resources Academic projects. Bernoulli correspondence — University of Basel electronic edition. The electronic edition digitizes the correspondence of the Bernoulli family of mathematicians of the 17th and 18th centuries.

Edited by Fritz Nagel and Sulamith Gehr. Should the fatherland be threatened, they wanted to be ready to take up arms. Therefore, during the July Crisis of , rulers placed great store in demonstrating that their nations were on the defensive. The German Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg was determined to "portray Russia as the aggressor" Fritz Fischer , because he knew that the Social Democrats could only be dissuaded from anti-war protests if — as Bebel had repeatedly asserted — it was a question of confronting the "blood tsar.

For reasons that inhered in its military system, Germany was unable to wait. The German deployment plan — the so-called "Schlieffen Plan" of , which had been devised and adopted without consultation with the responsible civilian leadership — called for an immediate offensive against France at the start of the war.

Germany thus attacked on 3 August , advancing through neutral Belgium in violation of international law. During his speech from the throne at the opening of the Reichstag , Wilhelm II, the German Emperor , repeated what he had already proclaimed to the crowd a day earlier from the balcony of the Royal Palace in Berlin: "I no longer know any party; I know only Germans. And that is what happened. However, the Socialist "comrades" were not present for this scene. They would probably not have gone in any case. In the Reichstag that afternoon, after a speech by Chancellor Bethmann Hollweg, the extraordinary credits demanded by the government to finance the war were unanimously approved "without further debate.

In this session of Reichstag , the theme of subsequent political discourse was already fully developed. The theme, which Wilhelm II announced in many variations during his appearances, was that Germany was in a defensive war. This assertion culminated in the famous words he uttered on 6 August:. The term " Burgfrieden ," which spontaneously came into use in August it is not known who first used it , describes a domestic ceasefire which the inhabitants of a besieged medieval fortress were obliged to observe.

As the " Lexikon des Mittelalters " laconically explains: "A fortification had military value only if its garrison lived together peacefully. Contemporaries characterized this national unity, which was as spontaneous as it was unforeseen, as a miracle. If unity in Germany was perceived a kind of miracle, simultaneous developments in France were even more miraculous. This fact is not surprising, though, given that the Germans had in fact carried the war into France and occupied ten departments.

The astonishing consensus about a purely defensive war also reflected the fact that, during the last two years before the war, the discussion of armaments in France had rested on the premise that Germany was planning an attack on France. Across party divisions, unanimity reigned that France needed to do everything possible to strengthen its defenses.

In keeping with the principles of the Second International, they had vowed with all their power, if necessary with a "revolutionary general strike," to oppose war - but only an "imperialist war. Thus the events of seemed merely to confirm a long-held conviction. Even as the July Crisis worsened, calls came in France finally to put aside domestic political squabbles in view of the imminent threat of war from Germany.

On 29 July, the left-leaning "La Lanterne" demanded an "armistice" among the parties. As was publicly known, their names had been placed on a list called "Carnet B. With this spontaneous outburst, Jouhaux redirected the longstanding struggle of the revolutionary syndicalists against militarism and war without seeming to abandon his principles altogether.

This was a sensational departure from established left-Republican practices in response to the national emergency. The position articulated in this quote is easy to comprehend. It rested on the belief, which was anchored in the French public, that German aggression alone had caused the war. At the time no one was offended that the president of an emphatically secular republic should use such metaphors. Given the incontrovertible fact that the advancing German armies had already drawn close to France, the sacred union was neither questioned nor contested.

Everywhere, soldiers were sent off with flowers, and railroad cars displayed brash slogans from the War of like "A Berlin! These outbursts of collective hysteria were particularly indigenous to large cities, where mobilized soldiers gathered en masse , waiting to be dispatched to the front. Enthusiasm was a phenomenon of the city streets. It was not shared in small towns and rural areas , which made up the largest part of the country in both France and in Germany. In his chronicle of these events, which he published in , Ignaz Jastrow , an economist and professor at the Commercial University Handelshochschule in Berlin, also tried to specify what had happened:.

The shock over German mobilization did not suddenly surge into a belief that French retaliation and the reconquest of Alsace-Lorraine were close at hand. In fact, these possibilities were hardly discussed. Instead, the French self-image as collective victim of profoundly unjustified German aggression became manifest.

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This fact alone explains the determination with which mobilized soldiers moved out. For them, it was simply a matter of defending the imperiled fatherland. It was pragmatic in nature — a consensus about the need to take a defensive stand, but involved no expectation of definitively overcoming the deep divisions between left and right or between the clerical establishment and its opponents. Including Socialist ministers in the government presented no difficulties. Another leading socialist, Marcel Sembat , likewise received a ministry.

Over the long term, the most important appointment went to the leader of the "reformist" wing of the Socialist party, Albert Thomas On the other hand, appointing representatives of the extreme nationalists and Catholic groups on the right was initially not an option. Only in was a Catholic politician, Denys Cochin , sworn in as minister of state.

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  8. This was especially true of efforts on the right to undermine the foundations of the republic, particularly its secularism and the exclusion of the anti-Republican Right from governing coalitions. In the constitutional monarchy of Imperial Germany, on the other hand, such a demonstration of parliamentary solidarity was impossible. The inclusion of a "red" in the government remained inconceivable on all sides.

    In principle, then, the "Spirit of " was at the outset less a political development than a solemn mood. Patriotic unity could only momentarily conceal the social and political fissures, however.

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    From September on, the Pan-Germans published manifestos and articles in which they expressed their joy that all Germans had become Pan-Germans. Meanwhile, the Social Democrats called for the political participation that had previously been denied to them, including democratic suffrage reform, recognition of the trade unions by the state, and, above all, constitutional reform. From the outset, the government sought to use the " Burgfrieden " to bring about a kind of "reorientation" of the empire.

    However, as Bethmann Hollweg remarked in September , these efforts were limited "to putting [Social Democracy] on a national and monarchical footing. So the German " Burgfrieden " only masked political conflicts, and it remained a sham peace. The "deputy general commands" Stellvertretende Generalkommandos , which were occupied by soldiers and were alone responsible for the censorship of the press in Germany , tended not to limit the expression of conservative opinion while they blocked leftist publications.

    As Steffen Bruendel has shown, there were many efforts after October to exploit the " Burgfrieden, " which remained in force only as long as the war continued, for far-reaching social restructuring. Intellectuals of all political persuasions , especially those in the National-Liberal camp, were fascinated by the idea that the experience of national unity and the "enthusiastic" commitment to common defense could give rise to a new society.

    Philippe Alexandre compares German Left Liberals with French Radicals of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. He finds many similarities despite the failure of German Left Liberals, who took their inspiration from , to gain power, whereas the French Radicals, inspired by the ideas of , were politically dominant during much of the Revolutionary period. Both German liberals and French Radicals adjusted doctrine to meet changing conditions in their differing political situations.

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    Anti-clericalism did not become the major focus for the Germans that it did for the French during the Dreyfus Affair, whereas French Radicals were not confronted with the rise of a strong Social Democratic Party, as were the German liberals in the years before World War I. If the French Radicals dominated political life prior to World War I while the German Liberals were confined to the opposition, even so, the Liberals planted a spirit of liberalism that flowered in the Weimar Republic. Most significant, however, as Alexandre notes, was the failure of the two left-center movements--a term that Alexandre does not use--to collaborate on an international basis.

    Analysis of colonial lobbies would appear an initially unpromising field of comparative research, given obvious and significant differences in colonial status. Peter Grupp nonetheless reveals important similarities in the colonial lobbies in both countries. The Germans, however, focused on prestige, especially in connection with their booming economy, whereas the French emphasized their longstanding vision of bringing civilization to other peoples.

    Unlike the left-center movements in Germany and France, the colonial lobbies of the two countries were in frequent contact, in part because of their common rivalry with England. Further analysis of contacts between the German and French colonial lobbies might have put into sharper historical focus the last two chapters, which address mutual German and French industrial and commercial interests in the de-colonizing world of the ss.

    In both countries, industrial lobbies were influential in shaping the structure of the early EEC but the French had to be convinced that the international organization would not be overly "dirigiste. It grouped together 2, representatives of businesses, associations, and individuals five years later. The Chamber promoted exchanges on many levels and supported the emerging EEC, playing a constructive role in the crisis.

    Eck describes the Chamber's wide-ranging networking activities, including Bierabende , but notes that eventually the French were outnumbered by German members. Roth argues for the uncoupling of Lorraine from its frequent hyphenation with Alsace. The two provinces were significantly different and had separate histories before Alsace counted twice the population of Lorraine and its people were closer to the Germans in language and culture.

    Local family notables continued to be elected in Lorraine, showing continuities in regional political elites even after annexation by Germany. After , the notion of "Alsace-Lorraine," cultivated by decades of German administration, broke apart again as the Lorraine elite sought their own accommodations with the Paris government. The comparative essays on German and French political structures and movements are paralleled in the second collection under review, Lernen und Lehren in Frankreich und Deutschland.

    This volume was published against a background of growing interest in educational methodology and its history in both countries because of the adoption of the "Bologna Process," which sought to create a European higher education area with raised and common standards for universities. In , German schoolchildren had lower scores on standardized tests than other Europeans, creating something of a media shock and also drawing attention there to educational issues.

    Contributions to this second collection, which covers the period since , focus on educational leaders, curricular content, educational goals in the schools, and aspects of the evolving universities. Several articles point out the success with which educational establishments resisted change, whether in nineteenth-century Prussia, among the university faculty in post Germany and France, or among French language teachers in the GDR. Not surprisingly, these essays, which emphasize the politics of formal education and views of it in both countries, connect readily to the political themes raised in Machtstrukturen.

    Tracing the evolution of the Prussian school system from the late eighteenth century through the Humboldt reforms and the spread of schooling during the first half of the nineteenth century, he finds no correlation between the schools and the Revolution even if some teachers saw new educational opportunities created by the ideas of Nor were Prussian schools incubators of unbridled discipline and political quietism.

    The years after the Kulturkampf saw higher salaries for an increasingly professionalized teacher corps that incorporated increasing numbers of women in its ranks. His case would be stronger with a definition and examples of the more liberal ideas taught in the Prussian schools. Its very partiality was its strength, according to Fritz Taubert, as its goal was to train Germans for citizenship in a united liberal state and it was widely influential during the Revolution.

    The Staatslexikon depicted Prussia as a relatively progressive state and its educational system was compared favorably with that of the French, oriented by Napoleon toward despotism. Even earlier, French educational leaders looked to emerging Prussia as a possible model and Turnvater Jahn was mentioned in a reform proposal in but, after , the French rejected the gymnastic model. Comparing patriotism in German and French schools between and , Philippe Alexandre notes that despite differences in the situations of the victorious Germans and the defeated French, both countries witnessed the establishment of new political orders seeking to legitimate themselves through the schools.

    Both educational systems portrayed war in heroic and nationalistic terms, extolled the military, and viewed the enemy of as a potential future foe. Even so, significant differences were present. Republican France emphasized anti-clericalism, especially after the Dreyfus Affair, while Germany kept religion in the schools to buttress loyalty to the empire. French republicans divided between national and internationalist perspectives, while Hegelian concepts of freedom, in which the state was seen as a person incarnated by the emperor, dominated German schooling.

    Patriotism involves learning to be a citizen, the subject of Jeannie Bauvois Cauchepin's essay, which focuses more on what was actually taught in Germany and France during the early twentieth century. Cauchepin points out that education for citizenship was multidisciplinary, extending into history, law, philosophy, and geography. As do some other contributors to the book, she focuses on patriotism, maintaining that whereas Aristotle's definition of humans as political animals implied a universalism, civics education taught individuals to become citizens of nation-states.

    The extension of the franchise to women under the Weimar Republic implied the production of new educational programs to train them for citizenship, but this subject is not developed in her essay. The German Sonderweg can be found in the schools of the Weimar Republic; Cauchepin diagnoses an unwillingness in them to trace a historical influence on German history to either the French revolutionary or the English liberal paradigm, a refusal that formed part of a resistance to a political system perceived as imposed from abroad.

    This resistance eased after the Second World War as both countries adopted more internationalist perspectives in their curricula. As Cauchepin concludes, however, myths continue to play significant roles in educational systems. A new myth of "democracy" has replaced the older national narrative. Because most of the essays on post Germany in both collections focus on the FRG, the rare comparisons that cross the inner German divide are all the more valuable. Complaining that to today's German students, the GDR is as remote in time as the discovery of America, Pfeil also focuses on political influences on curriculum.

    French language studies never achieved widespread popularity in the GDR, where Russian was the mandated second language and English usually a third choice. The French government tried to promote French studies in the GDR, but was limited by its desire not to antagonize authorities in Bonn. Although the East Berlin authorities did expand French language training, especially after the construction of the Berlin Wall gave them a greater feeling of security, ideological proclivities and restricted resources made its program problematic.

    Like teachers in nineteenth-century Prussian schools, teachers of French in the GDR often found ways to subvert official guidelines by using their own resources and presenting their own perspectives.

    Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition) Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition)
    Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition) Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition)
    Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition) Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition)
    Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition) Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition)
    Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition) Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition)
    Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition) Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition)
    Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition) Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition)
    Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition) Essays II: Über Frankreich (German Edition)

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