Militia leaders may be useful allies against al-Shabaab. But they have proven unfit for the task of creating a more secure, peaceful and equitable environment for Somalis.
This is as the Jubaland security forces are also perpetrators of significant human rights violations in Kismayo — involving killings, injuries and detentions of civilians, including of minors suspected of affiliation with al-Shabaab. However, they remain key local allies in the ongoing international war against al-Shabaab — and thus recipients of military training and coercive resources. In the context of international donor governments seeking to favor areas of stability to prevent opportunities for al-Shabaab, Somaliland, located in the north of the Somali territories, has also received increased attention and support.
Whereas south Somalia is marked by open-ended violent conflict, Somaliland enjoys relative peace and stability and has its own government, police force and army. While Somaliland indeed offers important insights into the significance of local resilience as a source for decentralized peace and order, the lessons concerning intervention are more ambiguous. The RRU officially operates under the police and targets suspect al-Shabaab insurgents. Due to training and funding, through contractors, the unit is far better equipped than the Somaliland forces.
This contrasts starkly with widespread complaints by civilians and human rights lawyers, noting that the forces have been used not only to capture al-Shabaab suspects but also as a coercive tool against people and institutions that are critical of the government.
Quest for just peace is complicated process
This mirrors similar types of capacity building of special armed units in Mogadishu and in Puntland and beyond Somalia, too. Increased capacity without accountability does not lead to locally credible and legitimate governance and security institutions. First, put principles of democratic accountability, rule of law, and human rights back at the center. Capacity building may serve as an element of SSR, but increased military capacity without democratic accountability undermines goals of sustainable security and peace.
It leverages gaming and simulation of strategic scenarios, to explore options for wider discussion and consideration. It focuses on diverse aspects of the services policies and practices -- strategic, tactical, logistical, organisational, socio-economic. CAFHR is organized into four research groups focusing on different periods of Indian history -- that before , from to , to and post It also organizes training and instruction to prepare officers and personnel for United Nations peacekeeping deployments.
It is a highly specialised library for enhancing and enriching knowledge while concurrently facilitating education, research, training, self-development, well-being, and lifelong learning.
A full spectrum of ever-expanding body of worldwide knowledge and information superiority is maintained by acquiring, and furthering ease of access to books, manuscripts, and other print and non-print materials and preserving these for the benefit of the members. Keeping in view the convenience of its patrons, the Library is located on the ground floor of United Service Institution of India, New Delhi and is air-conditioned. The Library has computerised its activities, processes, products and services for the benefit of users to facilitate fast access to the information held in the Library and to promote the evolution of library use, and increasing availability of library resources to its members.
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- Historical Precedent.
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New Delhi , India. Traditional peacekeeping was born in the bipolar world following World War II and was primarily intended to manage conflict between states.
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Eight years later the Capstone Doctrine was released with the intention of clarifying the core principles of UN peacekeeping operations. It notably introduced the authority to use force to defend the mandate, to deal with spoilers of peace processes, and to protect civilians. It further reaffirmed the core principles of peacekeeping, namely consent, impartiality, and minimum use of force.
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Based on this review of human security and UN peace operations, several things should be clear. First, based on the changing nature of contemporary war, human security offers a compelling lens by which to understand wars amongst the people. Additionally, based on a review of UN reports and doctrinal publications, it is clear the UN has struggled to address this new form of war which it has recognized as more complex than those interstate wars with which it traditionally sought to engage. Recent operational imperatives in missions in exceptionally violent environments have driven the UN to violate all four of its core principles, implying they are largely irrelevant.
This is evidenced by the continual degradation of the relevance of said principles in informing the mandate by which UN peace operations engage with complex missions today.
Next, the question of whether or not UN peace operations can be adapted to suit the conditions of contemporary war will be explored. It is arguable that the recent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan were highly informative to Western states involved in fighting the insurgencies in those respective countries, forcing them to reassess their military doctrines for fighting an enemy that was not a conventional military.
Thus an effective counterinsurgency campaign must employ political, diplomatic, economic, humanitarian, and security tools to address the underlying human security causes which have culminated in the insurgency. Relating counterinsurgency to UN peacekeeping, Friis notes the two are not so different, as both seek to protect civilian populations, where the former sees such a strategy as a means to an end while the latter sees it as a moral imperative. From the perspective of the population in a war-torn society, however, it may not make much difference, as legitimacy is established on the basis of the way the international actors behave.
Improved security will, in most circumstances, be welcomed by the civilian population. Furthermore, both doctrines emphasise the importance of civilians as an integral part of a security complex and a cornerstone to sustainable peace and security. To this extent, there is an argument to be made that some of the contemporary UN missions today are already blurring the lines between counterinsurgency and peace operations.
This essay argues counterinsurgency doctrine offers significant lessons which have been drawn from the successes and failures of the counterinsurgency wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and these lessons have widespread applications to other wars among the people in which the UN is involved today. The lessons of counterinsurgency doctrine developed by U.
While the U. The U. The process that supports states which are entering, enduring or emerging from conflict in order to: prevent or reduce violence; protect the population and key infrastructure; promote political processes and governance structures which lead to a political settlement that institutionalises non-violent contests for power; and prepares for sustainable social and economic development…. Stabilisation takes place within fragile or failed states. This definition and the policies within apply suitably to the description of contemporary warfare provided in the introduction, and lists many of the same activities counterinsurgency doctrine conducts to address the root causes of said conflicts.
Counter Insurgency and Quest for Peace
Furthermore, the Security and Stabilisation doctrine is noteworthy for its explicit references to human security throughout the publication. The definition used aligns closely with the Owen definition employed by this essay, indicating a recognition by even those in the military that human security plays an increasingly vital role in conflict. Much like counterinsurgency strategy, stabilisation operations revolve around strengthening the security of the state by providing security for civilian populations and making efforts to meet their basic needs.
Stabilisation doctrine also recognizes the limited role military forces can play in this regard. These doctrines repeatedly and emphatically draw on human security imperatives, indicating clearly that they are designed to address the same conflicts which the UN continues to struggle with today. Thus, there is a clear need for the UN to do the same, by establishing its own doctrine which clarifies the way in which it will engage with contemporary wars, one which recognizes the role human security plays in both causing and resolving conflict.
First, UN stabilisation operations must operate based on distinct principles which recognise the outdated nature of traditional UN peacekeeping principles and the need to revise them.
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