Toward the end of the book, a friend of Mr Epstein's, upon learning he's reading yet another book on the Roman Republic, encapsulates what I already know of the fellow, having amassed and read almost all of his books of essays: "you don't read any crappy books, do you? Yes, indeedy--the kind I will try to emulate, after I'm done reading my share of crappy books, after a good sifting, and ditching the crappier titles from the merely crappy. After all, once upon a prehistoric youth, the guy read "A Stone for Danny Fisher.
Epstein's collection of essays is worth the read for three reasons Readers will be able to discover the names of significant people in history of whom they have no knowledge, whatsoever. New examples of the author's wit and overall curiosity about what has made the world as it is today. An understanding of just how ignorant and uncultured the reader is.
Perhaps due to this reviewer's age 67 which helps said reviewer understand JE's points. One might not find every chapter worth the time and effort, but that is the value of reading essays without true chronological connection.
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Epstein has a winsome and engaging way of communicating. Start anywhere, within reason the index does not count. This is a compilation of essays that range from 3 - 8 pages that are originally published in periodicals that include the Wall Street Journal, Weekly Standard, Commentary, and Claremont Review of Books. But, Ep This is a compilation of essays that range from 3 - 8 pages that are originally published in periodicals that include the Wall Street Journal, Weekly Standard, Commentary, and Claremont Review of Books.
But, Epstein has a knack for integrating personal, historical, and literary anecdotes that make the whole book an entertaining learning event. I thoroughly enjoyed the three weeks it took to get through this wonderful large collection of essays.
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As a literary form, the essay form, initially proffered by Montaigne, is a challenge to execute well. Epstein touches on a little bit of everything over his long career as Northwestern professor, critic, and observer. I especially enjoyed the essays on some of the old Greeks and Romans I thoroughly enjoyed the three weeks it took to get through this wonderful large collection of essays. I especially enjoyed the essays on some of the old Greeks and Romans like Herodotus and Tacitus.
I felt like I've learned so much on subjects I've never given a thought about. Joseph Epstein is an intellectual though I don't believe he'd say he is. I am glad I was able to finish the book before the year's end. A cultural narrative essay is one of the most popular school assignments. In this paper, you should write about another culture or your own.
Volumes 1 and 2 of Stuart Hall's Essential Essays are available as a set From his arrival in Britain in the s and involvement in the New Left, to founding the field of cultural studies and examining race and identity in the s and early s, Stuart Hall has been central to shaping many of the cultural and political debates of our time. Essential Essays—a landmark two volume set—brings together Stuart Hall's most influential and foundational works. Spanning the whole of his career, these volumes reflect the breadth and depth of his intellectual and political projects while demonstrating their continued vitality and importance.
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Volume 1: Foundations of Cultural Studies focuses on the first half of Hall's career, when he wrestled with questions of culture, class, representation, and politics. As a whole, Volume 1 provides a panoramic view of Hall's fundamental contributions to cultural studies. Volume 2: Identity and Diaspora draws from Hall's later essays, in which he investigated questions of colonialism, empire, and race.
In addition to essays on multiculturalism and globalization, black popular culture, and Western modernity's racial underpinnings, Volume 2 contains three interviews with Hall, in which he reflects on his life to theorize his identity as a colonial and diasporic subject. He was the great illuminator, whose far-reaching insights into how the world is constructed show us why cultural studies is not about the manners learned from the masters, but a way of examining and understanding social reality as made by the people themselves.
Kelley "Hall's writings make an extremely important contribution not only in our understanding of the past and the cultural, political, sociological, and theoretical formations that Hall analyzed, but as documents that provide us with powerful political and theoretical tools to understand our present and change our future. Women are discussing the kinds of power they have in their "public" and "private" lives, the kind of power they would like to have, and how to go about getting that power. Under the healing rays of the sun and the salty ocean air, some Central American women gathered at the beach resort of Montelimar, Nicaragua in March of last year to discuss the question of power.
They talked about the power Central American women have in their "public" and "private" lives, the kind of power they would like to have, and how to go about getting that power. The encuentro was the largest and most diverse gathering of Central American women in history, and the first to include lesbian groups and discussion of lesbianism as a formal part of the program.
Black women educated conference participants about the pain and joy of the black female experience in the Central American context, and Indian women conducted a workshop comparing and contrasting Indian and mestiza women's identities and relations. The encuentro was a significant milestone in Latin America's nascent women's movement. During the s and s, the media, the Catholic Church and many political parties promoted pejorative caricatures of feminists as self-indulgent and egotistical, anti-family and anti-male, and divisive of community and class solidarity.
Such stigmas made it difficult to imagine that a feminist movement of any significance would ever take root in Latin America. By the end of the s, however, a "second wave" of feminism—following the first surge of women's mobilization in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century—did occur. The significant role women played in popular and social movements throughout the hemisphere, the exposure to feminism and women's organizations that Latin American women got while in exile, and exchanges with North American and European feminists through solidarity movemerits created fertile ground for the emergence of feminism in a number of Latin American countries, in particular Peru, the Southern Cone, Brazil, Mexico and the Dominican Republic.
Feminism arrived late in Central America—with the exception of Costa Rica. In part, this was due to the overriding priorities created by war and revolution.
Words of the Grey Wind
The fierce grip on power which foreign and domestic elites have traditionally had in the region also quelled new social movements and kept countries isolated from one another. Multinational corporations have historically made it easier to telephone and trade with the United States than communicate with or travel to another Central American country.
The Montelimar encuentro marked the first time that Central American feminists had ever tried to work together on a region-wide event. Illustrative of the tentative nature of the project, the word "feminist" did not appear in the title of the event because organizers from some countries felt that many women had not yet had a chance to explore the idea in a safe context.
Feminism was, however, clearly the driving force behind the questions that framed the discussion groups and workshops, the process or metodologia which guided them, and the encuentro's focus on regional strategies for increasing women's power. Women were encouraged to discuss and organize as women—"for, of, and by women," as one organizer put it. The participants shared their assessments of how Central American women were faring in their daily lives, as well as their aspirations and dreams for the future. Thus the women focused on transforming social reality not only for others, but for themselves; in that way the political became personal, and the personal political.
They start out working for other women, and they end up working for themselves as well. It's at that point that the women begin to look for or demand their own spaces. Implicit as well, although not shared by all the women present, was the assumption that even though women's subordination is interrelated with other forms of exploitation and oppression—such as those based on class, imperialism or ethnicity—it must be addressed directly.
The Regional Organizing Committee's statement provides a good working definition of feminism: Our politics are feminist because feminism proposes a personal and collective way of life that rejects unequal power relations not only among the sexes but also in society as a whole.
Feminism is a traditional social practice in Latin America and we Central American women are contributing our own elements to this tradition. We are a large constituency that seeks to build a kind of feminism that is rooted in our material conditions of life and from which we seek to develop proposals for overall change. For many women, the encuentro not only represented a well-earned respite from years of back-breaking labor in the service of others, but also the discovery of a dormant feminist orientation that had always been repressed or put on the back burner in favor of what seemed to be or what were said to be more pressing priorities: war, revolution, the defense of national sovereignty, the reduction of social and economic inequality, and economic survival.
The women discussed what kind of power they have in mixed-gender organizations, and how much autonomy women's groups, caucuses, or secretariats should have. Drawing on their years of experience as Sandinista activists, Nicaraguan women—some of whom now identify primarily as independent feminists—warned Salvadoran and Guatemalan women not to equate participation with gender equality. They also advised their counterparts not to expect that dedication, sacrifice and heroism would automatically guarantee women's interests in the peace process, or women's leadership in the new civil institutions and organizations being established.
The Nicaraguan women argued that women need to demand recognition as women, independent of whatever social sectors or groups they represent. They contended that women should present the state and their social, religious, educational, and political organizations with gender-specific and feminist demands, such as the right to autonomous women's spaces within and outside other sectoral and political organizations, direct representation of women's interests, and the promotion of women's leadership and women electoral candidates at the municipal and national levels.
This conference has allowed us to say 'No more. They agreed that autonomy is multi-dimensional-personal, economic, institutional, political, and ideological. For example, non-governmental organizations NGOs that are focused on explicitly feminist projects may be politically and organizationally independent of the state and leftist political parties, but economically dependent on external funding, which may carry certain ideological and political conditions. Likewise, women in unions and political parties may gain the right to select their own leadership and determine their own agenda, but they may lack personal autonomy with respect to families, boyfriends, and spouses.
The women were divided over the question of whether to build autonomous feminist groups or work within existing mixed organizations. Those who favored autonomy argued that women should make a clean break with the hierarchical, male-dominated political organizations of the past, and create their own organizations in which they don't have to constantly justify the importance of their projects to men.
Those who favored working for feminist agendas within mixed organizations countered that women risk becoming isolated politically if they do not struggle for power and influence within existing political organizations. Moreover, they contended, the feminist movement should take advantage of the many women—especially working-class, poor and "minority" women—who may already be organized.
They also worried that with human and material resources scarce, a dispersion of effort may concede territory to the enemies of feminism in the broader conservative political context. This debate was a reflection of that taking place in Nicaragua where tensions have appeared between independent feminists and female political-party militants. A number of party militants feel that the independent feminists regard them as impure in their feminism and inherently subordinate to men in their political-party activities.
Independent feminists, on the other hand, feel that their credentials as revolutionaries and commitment to class struggle in Latin America are being questioned. The tension between the two sides is reminiscent of that between "las politicas" and "las feministas" in the early stages of the feminist movement in the Southern Cone. The difference, however, is that in Central America, both sides have a history of feminist activism.
Exacerbating the tension is the fact that many of the Nicaraguan women who line up on opposing sides of the debate were once comrades in the Sandinista Front. In Nicaragua, as well as at the encuentro, there is agreement on the importance of promoting a feminist agenda within mixed organizations. Everyone agrees that women in mixed organizations should have the right to discuss and rank their priorities and choose their leadership.
Autonomous women's institutions and organizations, most activists believe, play an important role by providing a safe place for women to recharge their batteries, accumulate independent resources, and unleash their creativity. Moreover, the women in autonomous organizations can also still pursue close links to women who are organized or can potentially be organized around other issues and movements—for example, human rights, class, neighborhood, religion, environment, or ethnicity.
Bridging their differences, a number of the women at the encuentro felt that given the diversity of women activists and the degree to which their personal as well as political lives may be in flux, women may feel comfortable in different organizational forms at different points in time, or may burn out in one organizational form but blossom in another. Some women may prefer working in all-female, explicitly feminist groups, while other women who strongly identify with a community or sector may prefer to promote a feminist agenda within mixed groups.
The challenge is to link up the various organizational forms and forge a powerful collective political force. Central American women are not alone in debating the question of how women's movements should relate to the state, to each other, and to other progressive sectors, organizations and issues. In Chile, for example, where women played a central role in resistance to the military dictatorship, the feminist movement has worked hard to push for the inclusion of women's demands in the platforms and agendas of political parties, and to generate awareness of women as a political constituency.
Nevertheless, the women's movement seems to have been, to a large extent, marginalized by political parties since the transition to electoral democracy. SERNAM was established not only to propose and develop programs to improve the lives of women, but also to monitor other state agencies.
It thus gives a public, state-legitimized face to the struggle against discrimination against women. Like any regulatory agency which is both part of and dependent upon the state while at the same time charged with monitoring the state, its position is, by definition, contradictory. While there are several well-known feminists in key positions in SERNAM, the majority of the appointees, including the director, are women who have little history or experience working in or with women's organizations.
Moreover, with its conservative discourse on family preservation, SERNAM has seemed to go out of its way to antagonize the women's movement. In part, SERNAM's ability to establish itself as the interlocutor for women is a reflection of the weakness of the women's movement itself. This weakness, in turn, is a reflection of how difficult it is to re-define and re-orient a women's movement born in unified opposition to a dictatorship in order to create a strong mass-based, cross class movement.
In the fledgling democracies of the Southern Cone, the independent feminist movement must define itself not only in relation to the state and political parties, but also in relation to well funded non-governmental organizations NGOs which carry out much of the community-based, grassroots work that many pre-democracy women's organizations used to do. The question of what relationship the women's movement should establish with NGOs—even feminist NGOs—has become vital in countries experiencing the repercussions of neoliberal economic reforms.
In Chile, for example, the external funding that once supported women's political activism has greatly diminished. That which still exists has largely reverted to its traditional pattern of favoring social and economic development projects, albeit with a greater gender consciousness than before. In a time of dramatic cutbacks in state spending and heavy downward pressures on the standard of living, the importance of having paid organizers and professionals on staff at NGOs cannot be discounted. In this scenario, the NGOs might wrongly conflate their own desire to survive and grow with the needs of women as a whole.
The emergence of feminist and women-oriented NGOs—such as cultural projects, service centers, and independent research groups—gives Latin American feminism a stability and wealth of resources that never existed before. At the same time, the growth of these institutions results in a potentially problematic distinction between "professional feminists" who arc "credentialed" by the national and international development establishments as "women's advocates," and "militantes" who may be "increasingly marginalized from both policymaking and funding networks.
It can vary greatly over time, depending on the political context and the momentary popularity of different causes for funding sources. Brazilian feminists face many of the same strategic challenges as their Chilean counterparts in their relationship to the state as a result of the transition to electoral democracy. Despite the fact that feminisin is less visible than it was five years ago, and some feminists are disappointed with how political parties have appropriated their claims, the Brazilian feminist movement continues to be the largest, most vital and diverse in the hemisphere.
The current expressions of Brazilian feminism are cultural as well as political. On the political front, women have fought to make government-sponsored women's police stations more responsive to women's needs, and to ensure that the municipal, state and regional governments effectively implement progressive gender laws. In the cultural realm, women have developed popular feminist film and video, and Afro-Brazilian feminist aesthetics in the fields of music, dance and theater.
Like Chile, Brazil has feminist newspapers, radio stations, publishing houses and bookstores, as well as women's studies programs and research centers. A number of open lesbian groups now participate in both the feminist and gay liberation movements. The focal point of much of the Brazilian feminist movement, however, continues to be the state. In addition, the national government created women's spaces, such as councils on the status of women and women's police stations. The transition to democratic rule did not, however, abolish the essentially patriarchal and racist character of the Brazilian state.
Nor did it slow down the rush to neoliberal state policies. Confronted with these limits, especially at the federal level, Brazilian feminists have continually had to think creatively and strategically about how, at what level, and in what ways to intervene in the state to ensure that their efforts to extend and redefine women's citizenship have the greatest possible impact.
Urban movements, often led by the Brazilian Workers Party PT , have managed to successfully organize and secure political and social rights at the municipal and state levels. The overwhelming majority of participants in these movements continue to be women.
As a consequence, many Brazilian feminists, while not abandon'ng efforts to change federal policies, have chosen to focus on influencing local levels of government that are "closer to home, potentially more permeable, and more vulnerable to citizen scrutiny and intervention. While the states and localities are chronically underfunded, the focus on local governance deepens democratic participation in ways that mitigate the effects of structural adjustment on poor and working-class citizens. This focus on local and regional struggles, underpinned by neighborhood and grassroots organizing, cannot help but strengthen women's activism and leadership.
If there is one trend which characterizes women's organizing throughout the hemisphere, it is the growing diversity of organizational forms, strategies, and creative efforts. This diversity is both a reflection of the great vitality and strength of the women's movement in this profoundly conservative era and an enormous strategic challenge. How can women's diverse expressions of discontent and resistance be coordinated so as to expand and defend grassroots democracy? How can the movement recognize and accept, for example, that women come to feminism and gender-specific activism through a multiplicity of paths—through religious activity, in defense of their families and children, through activism around racial, ethnic, environmental or sexual orientation issues, or in response to the economic crisis?
How can a feminist current be injected into other Struggles without forcing them to be ranked in order of importance? The political, economic, and cultural room within which feminism has to maneuver in the Southern Cone as well as Mexico and Costa Rica still seems great in comparison to the obstacles that feminists and women activists still have to overcome in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala. In the latter three countries, feminism was born out of war and revolution, with all the deprivations and sacrifices cataclysmic events brought with them.
While, to a large extent, the disruption of the old order made feminist and gender-specific organizing possible, the rebuilding process is much greater than in the Southern Cone where a political infrastructure and culture are already in place. Throughout the hemisphere, however, women's movements face significant challenges. The disastrous effects of neoliberal economic policy makes this a difficult moment in history for women's struggle.
But it is better that we arrive late to the idea than not at all. She has published articles on women and social movements in Latin America and is working on a book of oral histories of Guatemalan women. Carey maintains that. Essay Topic Top Essays Essays scoring 5 Essays scoring 4 Unsatisfactory Essays Essay 10 Score 3: Kluckhohn explains the differences and similarities among people of the world as culture.
Culture, in this instance, spans a variety of areas. To begin with, culture is the way a person was raised. Finally, culture is related to man's biological needs. Habits that a person is taught as a youngster will influence the rest of his life. Third, bigotry is not something people are born with, but are taught. Societies have a tendency to have distinct habits that their people live by, First, education is one example. On the other hand, a woman of Koryak, Siberia, would not comprehend how a woman could be so selfish and so unwanting of another woman in the house as to wish to restrict her husband to one mate.
Little children play with anyone regardless of color, sex, or religion. To explain, in some areas of the world children are sent to school until they are 18 and in others they are never educated. In Italy people eat pasta on the other hand in Israel people eat fallafels. Certain countries also have religion while others don't.
Unfortunatly, adults become jealous or dislike a person, and instead of disliking the individual, they will dislike the individual's race, religion, sex, or anything else they can find to dispise. Finally, a person's dress is influenced by which society he lives in. Certain societies have values that influence their people. The adults will then teach the children their beliefs and the hatred becomes a never ending chain. This cycle is that all men are born and all men eventually die. Different civilizations have distinct social values. Similarities are shown by the fact that man has biological functions that can't be ignored.
Furthermore, no matter what one puts on the body, a man is still a man and a woman is still a woman. In other words, men and women in all societies usually have a tendency to have strong desires towards each other. These desires can be physical or emotional, but they are usually evident. Finally, all men are limited by "mother nature. Furthermore, the only man that is known to fly is Superman, and he has yet to come off the movie screen.
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Kluckhohn's explanation of the differences and similarities between the world's peoples appears very logical. People are influenced by habits they were raised by. Furthermore, what ideas humans are taught bears an impact on their lives. Finally, all men are limited by their own physical being. Comment: This response is a Five-Paragraph Essay, written to formula. It announces three subjects in its first paragraph; it introduces three subtopics in each "body" paragraph; it reiterates -- rather joltingly -- each new subject in the final sentence of the preceding paragraph; it begins its discussion of each subtopic with a transitional expression, appropriate or not.
Like many essays so devoted to form, however, this one fails to engage the assigned tasks in any meaningful way. When the essay actually does try to report Kluckhohn's views, it misrepresents him: "Kluckhohn explains the differences and similarities among people of the world as culture," paragraph 1 ; "Certain men cannot eat steel while others can" paragraph 4.
Instead of explaining Kluckhohn's views and formulating a response to them, the writer usually lists random claims about different cultures. A much more successful use of a similar organizational strategy -- a use that engages cogently Kluckhohn's central point about the distinction between biology and culture -- can be seen in Essay 3. While not as simple as those in Essay 13, the sentences of Essay 11 tend to be short and unvaried. Taken with its failure to develop any single example or point, these sentences make the essay seem simple-minded. Though it has few grammatical errors, this essay shows that its writer needs a course in reading accurately and writing analytically before satisfying the Subject A requirement.
Essay 11 Score 3: Now, Show us the Colors of your Rainbow In Clyde Kluckhohn's passage, adapted from his book, Mirror for Man, we are given an illumination of anthropology on the concept of culture. He explains that culture is not only derived by "the way we are brought up," but also personal past experiences and the biological properties of the people concerned.
As humans we have learned to adapt to our own personal surroundings and have conditioned ourselves and our life styles to revolve around such surroundings by the most comfortable means possible. As Kluckhohn describes, the technical term of culture has a broader meaning to the anthropologist than the "humble cooking pot", and the "people of culture. Humans can be easily understood just by studying their surroundings, and as Kluckhohn has stated, "they can also be easily predicted by knowing a people's design for living.
We have conditioned ourselves to such an extent, that our personal routines are done unconsciously. As a society, though, we reflect that given pattern, and when comparing it to another society, we are able to see how the cultures are individual and unique from one another.
Such uniqueness is what Kluckhohn is refering to; the American plural wives belief of Siberia compared to the single wife in America, the cultural training and mannerism of the Chinese, and the eating mannerisms of a wife in Arizona. Basically, all of these cultures live under the same laws of nature, and are equiped with the same biological tools. Their uniqueness arises from the individual conditions that their surroundings offer, and their means by which of adapting to them. Having lived in London last year, for my junior year, I am able to relate to the viewpoints of Kluckhohn; as I traveled to many places dripping with their own uniqueness and culture.
In London, I experienced the afternoon tea break and although not conforming to it, the societies acceptance of bathing only a few times a week.
In Holland, I depended on bicycles as my main source of transportation for miles around, and viewed the old windmills and thatched roofs that are so typical in the country. In Spain, I watched the old women with carved faces from the intense sun and bandanas tied around their heads, hearding their goats in the fields. Desktop version Mobile version. Results per book Results per chapter. Presses universitaires de Rennes. Search inside the book. Table of contents. Cite Share. Cited by. Text Notes Author. Full text. This edition is also noteworthy as it contains a copy of Miss An Yeats declared that no plays would be produced by the National T Author Adrienne Leavy.
Read Open Access. Freemium Recommend to your library for acquisition. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, generated 28 juin ISBN: DOI: Leavy, A. Leavy, Adrienne. Library Links. About Library Policies Services. Embed Experimental. Layout options: Carousel Grid List Card. Include data citation:. Copy to clipboard Close. Cite Data - Experimental. Structured data from the Bibframe namespace is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4. Additional terms may apply to data associated with third party namespaces.
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