Cameron, Kathleen Creating an Oasis in the Classroom. Caroleo, Marianne. Charette, Amanda. Charles, Grant Editorial: Where did we come from? Charles, Grant Charles, Grant and Garfat, Thom Charles, G. Choudhery, Zainab. Christopher, Nathaniel. Chutter, Kerry. Clark, Alena and Auten, Charlene Clark, Christina Avery The professional parent vs. Comerford, Susan A. Cosens, Patrick. Cosgrove, Kiera and Gaffney, Paul. Cottrell, Angie.
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Fletcher, Leslie. Formby, Leah, aged Foster, Jennifer and Brooks, Michele. Jen's Place. Fournier, Andie. Ingredients to remind you Fox, Lorraine. Fraser, Mark and Robinson, Brenda. Fraser, Theresa. Freeman, J. Fulcher, Leon C. Fulcher, Leon. Gaitens, Christine. Gannon, Brian. Garfat, Thom and Fulcher, Leon Garfat, Thom. What She Brought. Garfat, Thom and Charles, Grant. How am I who I am? Reencounter Rituals. Garfat, T.
Walnut Bob. Garfat , Thom. Gerring, Charyl Enzinger. Geurts, Esther M. Contextual, family-focused residential child and youth care: Preliminary findings from a program evaluation study. Gharabaghi, Kiaras and Stuart, Carol. Gharabaghi, Kiaras. Gharabaghi, Kiaras and Krueger, Mark Contemplations about the imagination and complacency in child and youth care practice. Contextual dialectics in relational work with youth. The Vagrancies of Passion and the Dance of Arrogance. Gompf, Karl. Goodwin, Garth. Graham, Gay. Griffin, Stephanie. Hachey, Jill-Ann. Hair, H. Hansen, Taylor. Hare, Francis. Harris, Alfred.
Harstone, Andrea; Bergen, Sara J. Hazlett, Valerie. Heeney, Bob and Watters, Carolyn. Henderson-Dekort, Emmie. Hill, Mark Are there times when laughter is wrong? Hillman, Matty. Happy Trails on the Journey! Reflections on Beginnings. Hilton, Ernie. Hook-Nilsson, Sarah. Circles of Courage. Insley, John,aged Islam, Md. Iwasaki, Yoshitaka Jackson, Robin Representation of Children in Art: Hermann Gross. Jamieson, Donna. False Memory Syndrome — the Good Kind. What I think I know now. Skipped Generation Families.
And yet, curiously, it is one that is not often explicitly discussed in feminist work exceptions include Allen , , Caputi , Hartsock and , Yeatmann , and Young This poses a challenge for assessing feminist perspectives on power, as those perspectives must first be reconstructed from discussions of other topics. Nevertheless, it is possible to identify three main ways in which feminists have conceptualized power: as a resource to be re distributed, as domination, and as empowerment. After a brief discussion of theoretical debates amongst social and political theorists over how to define the concept of power, this entry will survey each of these feminist conceptions.
In social and political theory, power is often regarded as an essentially contested concept see Lukes and , and Connolly Although this claim is itself contested see Haugaard ; Morriss , — and Wartenberg , 12—17 , there is no doubt that the literature on power is marked by deep, widespread, and seemingly intractable disagreements over how the term power should be understood.
One such disagreement pits those who define power as getting someone else to do what you want them to do, that is, as an exercise of power-over, against those who define it as an ability or a capacity to act, that is, as a power-to do something. Notice that there are two salient features of this definition of power: power is understood in terms of power-over relations, and it is defined in terms of its actual exercise. Arguing in favor of this way of conceptualizing power, Hanna Pitkin notes that power is related etymologically to the French word pouvoir and the Latin potere, both of which mean to be able.
Some of the theorists who analyze power as power-to leave power-over entirely out of their analysis. For example, Arendt distinguishes power sharply from authority, strength, force, and violence, and offers a normative account in which power is understood as an end in itself Others suggest that both aspects of power are important, but then focus their attention on either power-over e.
Another way of carving up the philosophical literature on power is to distinguish between action-theoretical conceptions of power — that is, those that define power in terms of either the actions or the dispositional abilities of particular actors — and broader systemic or constitutive conceptions of power — that is, those that view power as systematically structuring possibilities for action, or, more strongly, as constituting actors and the social world in which they act. On this way of distinguishing various conceptions of power, Hobbes and Weber are on the same side, since both of them understand power in primarily instrumentalist, individualist, and action-theoretical terms Saar , The systemic conception thus highlights the ways in which broad historical, political, economic, cultural, and social forces enable some individuals to exercise power over others, or inculcate certain abilities and dispositions in some actors but not in others.
Saar argues, however, that the systemic conception of power should be understood not as an alternative to the action-theoretical conception of power, but rather as a more complex and sophisticated variant of that model. The constitutive conception of power, by contrast, focuses on the fundamentally transindividual and relational ways in which individuals and the social worlds they inhabit are themselves constituted by power relations.
The roots of this constitutive conception can be traced back to Spinoza a and b , and also found in the work of more contemporary theorists such as Arendt and Foucault. What accounts for the highly contested nature of the concept of power? One explanation is that how we conceptualize power is shaped by the political and theoretical interests that we bring to the study of power Lukes , Said For example, democratic theorists are interested in different things when they study power than are social movement theorists or critical race theorists or postcolonial theorists, and so on.
On this view, if we suppose that feminists who are interested in power are interested in understanding and critiquing gender-based relations of domination and subordination as these intersect with other axes of oppression and thinking about how such relations can be transformed through individual and collective resistance, then we would conclude that specific conceptions of power should be evaluated in terms of how well they enable feminists to fulfill those aims. Lukes suggests another, more radical, explanation for the essentially contested nature of the concept of power: our conceptions of power are, according to him, themselves shaped by power relations.
It may contribute to their continued functioning, or it may unmask their principles of operation, whose effectiveness is increased by their being hidden from view.
The thought that conceptions of power are themselves shaped by power relations is behind the claim, made by many feminists, that the influential conception of power as power-over is itself a product of male domination for further discussion, see section 4 below. Those who conceptualize power as a resource understand it as a positive social good that is currently unequally distributed amongst women and men.
For feminists who understand power in this way, the goal is to redistribute this resource so that women will have power equal to men. The conception of power as a resource can be found in the work of some liberal feminists Mill , Okin For example, in Justice, Gender, and the Family , Susan Moller Okin argues that the contemporary gender-structured family unjustly distributes the benefits and burdens of familial life amongst husbands and wives. Here, Okin seems to presuppose that power is a resource that is unequally and unjustly distributed between men and women; hence, one of the goals of feminism would be to redistribute this resource in more equitable ways.
First, Young maintains that it is wrong to think of power as a kind of stuff that can be possessed; on her view, power is a relation, not a thing that can be distributed or redistributed. Second, she claims that the distributive model tends to presuppose a dyadic, atomistic understanding of power; as a result, it fails to illuminate the broader social, institutional and structural contexts that shape individual relations of power.
According to Young, this makes the distributive model unhelpful for understanding the structural features of domination. Third, the distributive model conceives of power statically, as a pattern of distribution, whereas Young, following Foucault , claims that power exists only in action, and thus must be understood dynamically, as existing in ongoing processes or interactions.
Finally, Young argues that the distributive model of power tends to view domination as the concentration of power in the hands of a few. According to Young, although this model might be appropriate for some forms of domination, it is not appropriate for the forms that domination takes in contemporary industrial societies such as the United States Young a, 31— In the following section, I discuss the specific ways in which feminists with different political and philosophical commitments — influenced by phenomenology, radical feminism, socialist feminism, intersectional feminism, post-structuralism, and analytic philosophy — have conceptualized domination.
Beauvoir argues that whereas men have assumed the status of the transcendent subject, women have been relegated to the status of the immanent Other. This downfall represents a moral fault if the subject consents to it; if it is inflicted upon him, it spells frustration and oppression. Although Beauvoir suggests that women are partly responsible for submitting to the status of the Other in order to avoid the anguish of authentic existence hence, they are in bad faith see Beauvoir xxvii , she maintains that women are oppressed because they are compelled to assume the status of the Other, doomed to immanence xxxv.
She notes that girls and women often fail to use fully the spatial potential of their bodies for example, they throw like girls , they try not to take up too much space, and they tend to approach physical activity tentatively and uncertainly Young b, — Young argues that feminine bodily comportment, movement, and spatial orientation exhibit the same tension between transcendence and immanence that Beauvoir diagnoses in The Second Sex.
And yet women are also subjects, and, thus, cannot think of themselves as mere bodily objects. Feminists have also mined the work of Edmund Husserl, the founder of phenomenology, for useful resources for feminist phenomenology Al-Saji and Oksala This means that there is always a gap between our personal experience and the linguistic representations that we employ to make sense of that experience, and it is this gap that provides the space for contestation and critique.
For further feminist-phenomenological analyses of domination see Bartky , , Bordo , and Kruks For recent overviews of the current state of the art in feminist phenomenology, see Fisher and Embree , and Heinamaa and Rodemeyer For a highly influential articulation of queer phenomenology, drawing on the work of Husserl, Heidegger, Merleau-Ponty, and Fanon, see Ahmed For a compelling phenomenological analysis of transgender, see Salamon For example, in the work of legal theorist Catharine MacKinnon, domination is closely bound up with her understanding of gender difference.
According to MacKinnon, gender difference is simply the reified effect of domination. If gender difference is itself a function of domination, then the implication is that men are powerful and women are powerless by definition. In this passage, MacKinnon glosses over the distinction, articulated by many second-wave feminists, between sex — the biologically rooted traits that make one male or female, traits that are often presumed to be natural and immutable — and gender — the socially and culturally rooted, hence contingent and mutable, traits, characteristics, dispositions, and practices that make one a woman or a man.
If men are powerful and women powerless as such, then male domination is, on this view, pervasive. As a result, she tends to presuppose a dyadic conception of domination, according to which individual women are subject to the will of individual men. Marilyn Frye likewise offers a radical feminist analysis of power that seems to presuppose a dyadic model of domination.
Frye identifies several faces of power, one of the most important of which is access. For this reason, Frye maintains that all feminism that is worth the name entails some form of separatism. In addition to access, Frye discusses definition as another, related, face of power. Under conditions of subordination, women typically do not have the power to define the terms of their situation, but by controlling access, Frye argues, they can begin to assert control over their own self-definition.
Both of these — controlling access and definition — are ways of taking power. According to the traditional Marxist account of power, domination is understood on the model of class exploitation; domination results from the capitalist appropriation of the surplus value that is produced by the workers. Young calls instead for a more unified theory, a truly feminist historical materialism that would offer a critique of society and social relations of power as a whole.
In a later essay, Young offers a more systematic analysis of oppression, an analysis that is grounded in her earlier call for a comprehensive socialist feminism. The first three faces of oppression in this list expand on the Marxist account of economic exploitation, and the last two go beyond that account, bringing out other aspects of oppression that are not well explained in economic terms. According to Young, being subject to any one of these forms of power is sufficient to call a group oppressed, but most oppressed groups in the United States experience more than one of these forms of power, and some experience all five Young , Nancy Hartsock offers a different vision of feminist historical materialism in her book Money, Sex, and Power : Toward a Feminist Historical Materialism This applies, in her view, to theories of power as well.
Thus, she criticizes theories of power in mainstream political science for presupposing a market model of economic relations — a model that understands the economy primarily in terms of exchange, which is how it appears from the perspective of the ruling class rather than in terms of production, which is how it appears from the perspective of the worker.
She also argues that power and domination have consistently been associated with masculinity. The goal of theories of intersectionality is to develop a single framework for analyzing power that encompasses sexism, racism, class oppression, heterosexism, and other axes of oppression in their complex interconnections.
The project of intersectional feminism grew out of black feminism, which as scholars have recently noted, has a long tradition of examining the interconnections between racism and sexism, stretching back to the writing and activism of 19th century black feminists such as Maria W. Stewart, Ida. In other words, the concept of intersectionality has a long history and a complex genealogy for an account of that genealogy, see Collins But the contemporary discussion and use of the term intersectionality was sparked by the work of legal theorist Kimberle Crenshaw Crenshaw a and b , specifically, by her critique of single-axis frameworks for understanding domination in the context of legal discrimination.
A single-axis framework treats race and gender as mutually exclusive categories of experience. In so doing, such a framework implicitly privileges the perspective of the most privileged members of oppressed groups — sex or class-privileged blacks in race discrimination cases; race or class-privileged women in sex discrimination cases.
Thus, a single-axis framework distorts the experiences of black women, who are simultaneously subject to multiple and intersecting forms of subordination. Moreover, intersectionality is not without its feminist critics. Some proponents of intersectionality have suggested that the concept is limited in that it focuses primarily on the action-theoretical level. A full analysis of the intertwining of racial, gender, and class-based subordination also requires, on this view, a systemic or macro-level concept that corresponds to the concept of intersectionality. This is the model describing the social structures that create social positions.
Second, the notion of intersectionality describes micro-level processes — namely, how each individual and group occupies a social position within interlocking structures of oppression described by the metaphor of intersectionality. Other proponents of intersectionality have worried that discussions of intersectionality tend to focus too much on relations and sites of oppression and subordination, without also taking into account relations of privilege and dominance.
In response to this concern, philosophers such as Ann Garry have offered a broader, more inclusive conception of intersectionality that emphasizes both oppression and privilege see Garry Rather than supplementing the notion of intersectionality with a macro-level concept of interlocking systems of oppression or broadening it to include relations of oppression and privilege, Naomi Zack argues that feminists should move beyond it. Zack maintains that intersectionality undermines its own goal of making feminism more inclusive.
From a very different perspective, queer feminists Lynne Huffer and Jasbir Puar have also criticized intersectionality as a theory of identity. Finally, Anna Carastathis has argued that the problem with intersectionality theory lies in its very success Carastathis and In response to these sorts of criticisms of intersectionality, some scholars have attempted to reformulate the concept either as a family resemblance concept Garry or by highlighting its provisionality Carastathis, Others have argued for an expansion of the intersectional framework to better account for the experiences of diasporic subjects Sheth or for a rethinking of this framework in relation to a Deleuzian notion of assemblage Puar and However, in line with Kroll , social work participant 6 and child participants D and F mention that note taking during the initial session might break contact with the client.
Joining with the child. The participant social workers suggested that the child clients be given a quiet calm time during the first session, when they can orientate themselves towards the setting and the social worker and so adjust to the new situation. Furthermore, the social worker should not initially engage in talking, but rather enjoy calm moments together while, for instance, working with clay or drawing. Kroll is of the opinion that it is best to "be" rather than to "do" during this stage of the meeting.
This is in line with the suggestion by Geldard et al. This allows the child a time where he can observe the social worker in the safety of his parents' presence.
Feminist Perspectives on Power
Children witness how their parents engage with the social worker and consequently gain permission to engage with the social worker. Some children enjoy a routine to help them enter a playroom Carroll, The social worker can then show children the counselling environment and let them know where the parents will be waiting Geldard et al.
Miller suggested that the intervention should start with the social worker alongside the child. The social workers and children agreed that it is best if the social worker moves from behind her table to greet and talk to the child client. The child participants also prefer a social worker next to them rather than sitting behind a table. Most clients come to the social worker with a degree of apprehension, viewing the need for help as a failure on their part and feeling embarrassed about opening up about their personal lives Hepworth et al.
Hepworth et al. Social work participant 4 stated in this regard: "we are so focused on the problem that we forget we can talk about the weather as well. Yet child participant F preferred not to talk about school-related topics. Sensitivity is important, because some clients want to talk about their problems immediately and their anxiety level may grow if the social worker delays with a warm-up period Hepworth et al. Reason for referral. Some social work participants do not address the reason for referral immediately, especially if it is a sensitive case, for example, sexual abuse, while other social work participants prefer to address the reason for referral immediately.
Social work participants could not decide which is best and decided that it depends on the context of the case. Social work participant 4 suggested starting with the child client's perception of the reason for the referral, clarifying if necessary. Child participant D noted that if he was the social worker "he would have explained what he was doing there [when visiting a child client]". Carroll interviewed play therapists who described their initial process, which included a discussion on the purpose of the intervention.
The helping relationship with the practitioner should be confidential, because it promotes trust Geldard et al. Social work participants 1 and 6 explain confidentiality as well as how feedback to the parents will commence. However, according to social work participants 4 and 6, the presence of the significant other can intimidate the child, causing the child to not engage. On the other hand, they said that it can enhance feelings of safety in the child, which then causes the child to engage fully in the session. Sensitivity to the non-verbal cues from the child will direct the social worker; however, Landreth suggests seeing the child alone.
Unfortunately other role players can disclose information on a case. Some child clients may then wrongly assume that it was the social worker who broke confidentiality and this assumption affects the relationship detrimentally. Social work participants 2 and 6 reported this experience and consequently addressed this with their clients beforehand, compelling them to discuss wrong assumptions in order for misconceptions to be clarified.
The role of the social worker. When child participant B was asked about her perception of the role of the social worker, she replied: "I haven't found out yet. Children get to know adults in different roles such as teachers, uncles and parents. They form expectations towards how adults react and how they should relate to them. The helping relationship is different and thus it should be explained to children so they can know what to expect of the social worker Geldard et al. Importance of play. The social work participants reflected that a "questions and answer" style does not engage the child in conversation.
Participant 4 and 6 suggested rather engaging the child while he or she is busy playing. Participant 2 reflected that: "a large amount of information already emerges by [focused] playing with a child. Participant 6 noted that when a child enjoys the intervention session, he feels noticed by the social worker, which adds to his internal motivation to attend the next session.
Participant 6 reported that these feelings thus generate continuity, which in turns aids relationship building. Choices and control. Spray and Jowett acknowledge that children often feel powerless in their relationship with adults. Providing children with non-threatening choices during the session can aid them to regain their sense of control Landreth, Children are empowered by choices and having their requests respected Carroll, The child and social worker should be equals in the helping relationship Blom, Social work participant 1 stated that the child is the expert in the intervention session, whereas social work participant 2 recommended that social workers should allow the child client to lead the pace of the intervention.
Allowing the child to lead the intervention session communicates the value of respect towards the child client Landreth, Ending the initial session. The child should be warned of the approaching ending of the session Landreth, Participant 1 feels it is very important for her to end a session on a good note. Child participant C preferred that the social worker walk her out at the end of the session. Further research is needed to evaluate the uses of play therapy skills and material with rural children, who are not generally exposed to direct social work intervention.
In rural areas social workers do not have many referral resources and are expected to deliver these services to children. It is recommended that the NGOs in rural areas build the knowledge and skill base of the social workers, especially on handling trauma and resistance in children. At times it becomes necessary for rural social workers to intervene directly with children.
Direct intervention requires a helping relationship to be established during the initial social work phase, because "it is the quality of the engagement" that allows the child client and social worker to "move beyond surface or mundane conversations" Ruch, Consequently, the initial relationship-building experiences of rural social workers and child clients were explored through an ethically sound qualitative case study research design. During data collection the rationale for building a relationship with a child client was discussed as well as the factors that influence the relationship experience.
The social workers' professional attributes were highlighted as vital in approaching the client. Furthermore, a pattern that the participants favoured during initial sessions emerged from the data and was mentioned for further contemplation. The study enhanced understanding of the challenges of relationship-building experiences of both the social worker and child client in the rural Boland district. The study contributes to the literature by raising renewed awareness of the importance of relationship building with child clients, adding the participants' experience in approaching a child client successfully and making recommendations for further research.
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