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Seller Inventory GRP Condition: UsedAcceptable. Published by Noemi Press In separate chapters, the feminine side of genre is examined. Focussing on period documents as a means of enriching the historical narrative, the thesis is intended as an interpretation of the villancico genre for the English-speaking reader.
Many cities, even those of good size, have no suitable space for an orchestral concert, but even the most humble cities possess at least one colonial period church, or sometimes several, with sufficient space for an orchestra. My colleagues and I often use the sacristies of these churches for the most mundane purposes, as a place to change into concert attire and store instrument cases, afterwards filing into the space in front of the altar to play a concert. After a time, the dichotomy between the splendour of the church spaces and the unremarkable use we made of them began to strike me.
But even more striking was the idea of a past which lay all around, unnoticed and undiscovered. If there had been a baroque past here, I began to think with some sense of wonder, then it must have been a Hapsburg past, much like that of Austria, where I had studied and lived for so many years.
If the Austrian Hapsburgs had cultivated the opera theatre so intensively as royal patrons, how had this played out in the musical history of Hapsburg Spain and its colonial extension, Mexico? It was in the posing of these basic questions that the idea for the subject of this thesis was formed. As yet my enquiries into the musical past of Mexico were a private pursuit, as I carried on with my orchestral career, occasionally visiting archives in search of colonial period music. When offered a doctoral studentship by Canterbury Christ Church University in , I had the opportunity to engage full-time with the questions I had posed myself—quite naturally these generated many others.
And so I began my study of the baroque villancico, the musical form par excellence of Spain and its colonies, and the subject of this thesis. Scope of the Study The history of the villancico in New Spain extends over a long period, from a first mention in the Mexico City cathedral chapter records in to a final prohibition of non-Latin texts in the Puebla cathedral. For this period of almost two and a half centuries there is archival evidence that the singing of vernacular songs at Christmas, Corpus Christi and other church feasts was an uninterrupted yearly practice in the cathedrals of New Spain.
However, no Spanish language music from sixteenth century Mexico survives; cathedral chapter records and a inventory of music from the Mexico City cathedral are the indirect but firm evidence indicating that the villancico was practiced. The Italian Ignacio de Jerusalem — was appointed as maestro de capilla at the Mexico City cathedral in November , after an arduous exam conducted by local musicians. An entire century would seem a rather vast period for the study of a specific genre; however, there are several factors which mitigate the difficulty presented by this time span.
The numbers of extant villancicos which have survived in archives and collections of Mexico is much less than in Spain, where many cathedrals, convents and parish and collegiate churches possess extensive music archives. The vicissitudes of time, two revolutions, the dissolution of the religious orders in the nineteenth century, and the anti-clericism of the early decades of the twentieth century have not favoured the survival of music archives in the religious institutions of Mexico, their natural home.
Above all, a representative cross- section of composers active in New Spain is available for study; this extends across several institutions which are likewise a representative sample. Because of its geographical and cultural proximity to colonial period Mexico, the music and musicians of the Guatemala cathedral will be included as far as possible in this thesis. The musical archive of the archdiocese of Guatemala provides many sources for novohispanic music which were not preserved in their institutions of origin—this collection provides material where there would otherwise have been important gaps.
Nonetheless, there are some regrettable lacunae in novohispanic source materials. Nothing is known of the villancico in the Guadalajara cathedral due to lack of musical sources. Despite these gaps, an appreciation of novohispanic villancico production throughout the period under consideration is possible; the musical network of the novohispanic cathedrals was small enough to make a relatively complete study possible.
Within the temporal scope of to , a study of all the musical elements of the villancico is proposed: formal construction, harmonic and rhythmic aspects, instrumentation and voice distribution, and the relationship of text to music. Harmony is somewhat of an imprecise formulation in the context of the villancico—the composers themselves referred to villancico composition as counterpoint. Music theory from contemporary baroque sources is included in this study; when possible, a musical topic is elucidated referring to contemporary Spanish music treatises.
On the other, the villancico was the lyric theatre of the Spanish-speaking world—the Matins service was a place where men and women listened to music together, not segregated by sex as in the strictly controlled theatre venues. Apart from these socio-historical contextual elements which consider the place of the villancico within elite circles, consistent effort has been made to discover the characteristics of the band of performers, maestros and prelates who together made up the creative and administrative side of the villancico.
Indeed, the social dynamic which existed between musicians and prelates is nothing short of fascinating, and is highlighted in the thesis wherever it has been practical to do so. Finally, general history is drawn upon as often as possible as a contextualising element. Several matters lie outside the scope of the thesis.
The long pre development of the villancico as a form can only be a matter of peripheral concern here; likewise, the rich literary history of sacred verse in Spanish must largely be left to the literary historian. Anuario Musical, 33, : — However, without source materials, the contribution of native musicians to the villancico in New Spain must remain a matter of speculation. Aims of the Thesis One primary aim of this thesis is to bring more novohispanic villancicos to light. However, a large repertory of more high-minded pieces written for a variety of occasions exists.
In the thesis. A particularly grateful circumstance has been the return of the villancicos of the Estrada collection to the Mexico City cathedral archive after having been in private hands for over fifty years. This large corpus of villancicos by the Mexico City authors Antonio de Salazar and Manuel de Sumaya challenges long-held conceptions about these two maestros, making a new estimation of their vernacular output necessary. A related aim is the revision of available biographical information on novohispanic composers.
While the records of the meetings of the cathedral chapter provide a great deal of information about the business dealings of the musicians, the character of the musical life of the cathedral emerges with more clarity in the correspondence of the musicians. The ongoing evaluations and auditioning of the musicians by the maestro de capilla have provided a good amount of musical material related to the villancico—I might name, for example, the opinions of Salazar on the vocal abilities of particular chapel members, or the results of a bass viol audition conducted by Sumaya as highlights.
Antología (Spanish Edition)
Likewise, the villancicos of the Colegio de Santa Rosa at Valladolid- Morelia provide a departure point for a discussion of the rise of the novohispanic feminine conservatories during the decade of the s. The thesis is divided into ten large sections, each of which may be read as a stand-alone essay on some aspect of the history of the villancico in New Spain. The initial chapter seeks to describe the geographical, social and institutional contexts of the villancico as practiced in New Spain, while the second provides a general introduction to the genre for the English-speaking reader.
Additionally, a section on the somewhat unfamiliar metre of minor proportion, C3, is included. Indeed, it could be argued that difficulties and misunderstandings concerning this metric aspect of the villancico have hampered its study, particularly in Anglophone circles. This chapter continues the historical narrative with the period in which Manuel de Sumaya assumed the leadership of the Mexico City musical chapel, to This musician, a central figure to the history of the villancico in colonial Mexico, has traditionally been considered to have been a musical Italianiser on the basis of the supposed authorship of an opera on the often-set libretto by Silvio Stampiglia, Partenope.
A set of general conclusions, forming Chapter 10, is provided at the end of the thesis. The Appendix is meant to provide an overview of the compositional development of the villancico in New Spain, as well as to illustrate aspects of the genre discussed in the text of the thesis. General Considerations on Translations As the thesis is intended for English-speaking readers, a great deal of translation and interpretation of texts in Spanish has been necessary. All translations in the thesis are mine, and are designed to be as literal a transcription as possible of the Spanish originals.
The translations of villancico texts have been made only to approximate the general meaning, and not the cadence, of the originals. Verse is notoriously difficult to render into another language, so that the disproportionate effort necessary to make parallel poetic effects in the translations has not been undertaken.
However, general atmosphere and meaning has been preserved. In contrast, the prose diction of the cathedral documents cited in the thesis has been followed quite closely, in order to capture the tone of the original records. In some cases, punctuation has been added to the English version in order to clarify the difficult syntax of the originals. The same process has been followed when citing the prose of period books and treatises.
To my supervisors Robert Rawson and Geoffrey Baker, many thanks for your expertise, advice and interest. New cities and towns, fashioned in a regular rectangular grid reminiscent of the Roman urbes, were the locus of communities which aspired to the Spanish ideal of a civilized Christian life. In the hinterland of these new towns and cities, vast agricultural estates, themselves reminiscent of the Roman latifundia, supplied the cities and towns with agricultural products. During the time of the Spanish Habsburgs, until the change of dynasty in , the interests of the Spanish church and state appeared at most times to be identical; the proverbial pietas austriaca was a tangible quality which determined political and social courses of action to an extent that seems surprising to us in the present day.
Appointed by the king from the Spanish aristocratic class, or the upper ranks of the regular and secular clergy, the viceroy was charged with the civil government of New Spain, the expansion of the Catholic faith, the administration of justice, the protection of the Indian population, the royal interests in the treasury and the defense of the realm. Along with the viceroy and the civil authorities, the Church wielded not only spiritual, but also considerable temporal power over the inhabitants of New Spain.
A fine visual representation of the pietas austriaca may be seen in a canvas by Claudio Coello — , Charles II Adoring the Blessed Sacrament, which hangs in the sacristy of the Escorial palace. Mexico had a very concrete importance for Spain as a monetary lifeline: the mines of New Spain, along with those of the viceroyalty of Peru, provided the silver which financed the ruinous European military struggles in which Spain was engaged throughout the seventeenth century.
Though mining never ceased to be important, it declined during the seventeenth century, shifting the domestic focus away from it as a primary economic activity. As the historian John Lynch notes, the shift away from mining freed up the sharply contested labour force for other tasks, increasing buoyancy in other sectors such as textile manufacture, shipbuilding, and not least, the powerful agricultural economy of the large estates, the haciendas. Altogether, for the elite class of Spanish descent, a rich cultural life was emerging in the 6 Knight, Mexico, This was a stark contrast to the perpetual financial and social crisis that beset the home country during the seventeenth century as a result of war, heavy taxation, epidemic disease and unrest caused by a demographic shift from the countryside to the cities.
The preferment of peninsular Spaniards for higher office both in ecclesiastical and secular life was a constant source of strife in New Spain; likewise, envy was caused by the predominance in colonial trade of Spanish-born merchants. Admission to ecclesiastical or civil office, the religious orders including female 9 Ibid. As has been stated, the cathedral provided a locus for many of the artistic manifestations of novohispanic society: music, painting, architecture, literary production and oratory delivery of rhetoric from the pulpit was a primary novohispanic art all had a pronounced religious tinge acquired from association with their practice in cathedral and convent.
An exception must be made for music associated with the spoken theatre, the Spanish comedia, although a long tradition of religious theatre with music also existed. See Brading, The First America, Devotional music was something more than a mere embellishment of the divine cult; it appeared as an indispensable element of ceremony, inseparable from it. Journal of the American Musicological Society, 55, no. Most often a cleric of minor orders, the maestro de capilla stood at the centre of the musical life of the cathedral, responsible for every aspect of the day-to-day running of the musical chapel.
The selection and training of choirboys was one of his most primordial tasks, and perhaps one of the most onerous, to judge from the frequent accounts in cathedral chapter records of chronic failure by maestros to fulfil this duty. The task of directing and conducting the musical chapel in a gruelling number of services also fell to the maestro de capilla; apart from the regular duties in the cathedral, a maestro was often called upon to perform in other religious institutions, in processions and in burial ceremonies, directing his band of choristers and instrumentalists.
The dividing up of funds generated by this outside work, known in Mexico as obvenciones, often sparked off disputes and accusations of favouritism among the chapel members. This is nowhere more evident than in the production of villancicos: if not ephemeral, these pieces were certainly occasional, with the maestro de capilla expected to provide many new pieces each year or face the displeasure of the cathedral chapter. This native of Lecce stood at the end of the villancico tradition in Mexico City; the atmosphere of Bourbon reforms and the airs of the Enlightenment would displace the time-honoured villancico in favour of the more liturgically correct Latin responses during the tenure of Jerusalem.
A second institutional context for the villancico lay within the walls of the numerous convents of New Spain. The strict application of claustration created a specifically feminine musical culture within the confines of the convent, where music was felt to be just as necessary to the proper celebration of the divine office as it was in the exclusively male musical province of the cathedral.
Unlike the home country, where many convents engaged male chapelmasters and organists, the nuns of Mexico provided conductors and keyboard performers for the convent music from among their own ranks. These nuns were highly skilled musicians who oftentimes had entered the convent by exchanging their musical services as maestras de capilla, organists, instrumentalists, or singers, for the full or partial payment of their dowries. The relationship between cathedral and convent in Puebla was no doubt echoed in other cities of New Spain such as Valladolid-Morelia, where evidence also exists of music written for female institutions.
Surviving didactic materials from the eighteenth century used in the colegios show a concern for up-to-date musicianship. While hexachordal solmisation was still being taught to cathedral choirboys in the decade of the s as the basis of music, the girls of the colegios were learning to realise the basses of Hasse, Corelli and Sammartini according to modern methods.
These two feminine institutions are dealt with in a separate chapter in this thesis, so that our present concern is the cathedral music of New Spain, whose general history will be briefly considered here as a contextual element of the present study. The transplantation in the sixteenth century of Spanish cathedral culture to New Spain had been both thorough and complete—this culture was in every aspect a faithful replication of the Spanish cathedral and its sociocultural appendages in a new geographical context. Along with this physical and spiritual transplantation of the Spanish cathedral to the New World, the ecclesiastical musical apparatus was replicated in every particular, often with the participation of emigrant musicians from Spain, most often a maestro de capilla, but also singers and instrumentalists.
A characteristic physical feature of the Spanish cathedrals was also conserved in sixteenth and seventeenth-century New World constructions: the choir was placed in the central nave of the church with a line of sight to the main altar, the so-called via sacra. This placement of the choir conditioned and influenced the music of the novohispanic cathedral in several ways; one of the most important was the emergence of a polychoral treatment of virtually all liturgical texts as a standard compositional practice. The polychoral treatment of cathedral music extended to the facing organs on either side of the choir enclosure, which were built or adjusted to play in alternation.
Early Music, xxii, no. An example of this contemporaneous transmission of musical repertory may be seen in the case of four publications by Victoria, printed in Rome between and , which are present in the inventory. The interconnected nature of musical life on the two continents can be observed in this commonality of repertoire. This funeral piece is uniquely preserved in the cathedral of Toledo. Snow, eds. Crawford and G. The villancico, first mentioned in the Mexico City cathedral chapter records in , was local repertory, however.
Besides the obligatory production dictated by the cathedral chapter for its yearly celebrations, numerous personal estates, confraternities and craft guilds endowed the composition of new pieces through a system of religious patronage, with the cathedral most often providing the institutional context for the performance of the commissioned villancicos. However, substantial sources for the villancico are to be found primarily in cathedral archives. Latin American Music Review, 31, no. Throughout this thesis there will be occasion to examine the interconnected urban network of musicians and the related network of prelates, who between them determined the ecclesiastical musical life of New Spain.
The first consideration of American difference to Spain involves geography; the network of cathedrals was greatly inferior numerically and did not possess the density and cohesiveness that characterised the ambience of musical Spain. Artigrama, 12 — : — Palafox was a magnanimous patron of the cut of Wolf Dietrich von Raitenau in Salzburg—a figure with whom he shares several similarities, especially in the direct concern for the building of a splendid musical chapel. Both Palafox and von Raitenau experienced conflicts with the militant Company of Jesus in their dioceses.
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Crowell Company, , The costs of the chorus chaplains, choirboys, succentors and master of the choirboys should be added to the 5, pesos cited above, giving a total of 8, spent on the cathedral music in The cathedrals of Mexico City and Puebla were the most important musical centres of New Spain during the entire colonial period, forming the core axis around which music and musicians circulated—however, there were other cathedrals in the provinces with musical traditions quite as old as these first foundings.
The cathedrals of Antequera de Oaxaca founded and Valladolid-Morelia founded were established in areas where massive evangelisation of the sedentary indigenous populations by the religious orders had taken place. The cathedral of Valladolid-Morelia was at a geographical and economic disadvantage compared to the first three cathedrals of New Spain; few outside musicians were attracted to the expensive and relatively remote city.
Baker is speaking in the context of colonial Peru; however, the same phenomenon occurred in Mexico, to some extent. In New Spain the preference was always for musicians of European extraction when they were available, even for the humbler instruments such as sackbut and shawm. In Oaxaca and Valladolid-Morelia the relatively low number of Spaniards and creoles in relation to the population as a whole seems to have created a necessity for native musicians.
The cathedral of Guadalajara founded was the site of an active musical life comparable to that of Puebla and Mexico City, to judge from the cathedral chapter records. This cathedral was beset by natural disasters, changing location three times between and At mid-seventeenth century the cathedral had its seat at Santiago de los Caballeros, the present day Antigua, Guatemala. According to Robert Stevenson, this prelate stressed the importance of cathedral ceremonial, codifying in the chapter records the duties of the organist and singers.
Two and a half centuries of time, the dissolution of the religious orders in the nineteenth century, and the vicissitudes of revolution and anti-clerical movements in the twentieth have not favoured the survival of the ephemeral sheets of paper which the villancico was notated upon. Yet enough villancicos have come down to us to make a study of the form as it was practiced in New Spain a feasible venture. The music collecting activities of three maestros de capilla of the Guatemala cathedral, Marcos de las Navas y Quevedo fl. The Royal Chapel and its music archive were destroyed along with other treasures such as paintings by Velazquez, Titian, Rubens, Tintoretto, Ribera and Veronese.
The loss of repertoire was especially sensible in the case of the organist and composer Joseph de Torres ca. Torrente and T. Knighton and A. Torrente Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Limited, Period sources will be examined in a discussion of these formal and generic aspects of the villancico— likewise, a brief summary of relevant scholarly literature concerned with form and genre is provided at the outset of the discussion. Some dimensions of the villancico as a genre might be said to be more properly the province of the literary historian, and remain beyond the scope of this thesis—several items of literary interest are listed below.
E-mail of 17 January, As Brill comments, Taruskin mentions the villancico only once in passing, in connection with the madrigal. Carreras, B. Knighton Woodbridge: Boydell Press, , 69— However, it did stimulate some interest in music of the viceregal period which might otherwise have remained unknown. Revista de Literatura, 22, : 5— This point merits further attention, and will be discussed below. Boyd and J. Sadie and J. London: Macmillan Publishers, One large scale task that remains for the musicologist is the articulation of the stylistic changes that occurred contemporaneously with the historically crucial change of dynasty in Spain from Habsburg to Bourbon in Hispanist musicology is fully engaged in this process at the present, and indeed one of the purposes of this thesis is to examine these stylistic changes as they occurred locally in the novohispanic villancico.
In order to do this, it is necessary to define the characteristics of the villancico as a genre in the seventeenth century. The villancico did not merit its own entry, but rather is mentioned in the context of two other musical terms: Chanzoneta, corruption of chansonette, diminutive of chanson. The villancicos that are sung on the nights of Christmas in the churches in the vulgar tongue with a certain type of happy and joyful music are called chanzonetas.
Villanescas, songs that villagers are accustomed to sing when they are alone. But the courtiers, imitating them, have composed in that manner and measure happy little songs. The villancicos, so much celebrated in the feasts of Christmas and Corpus Christi, are of the same origin.
Ese mismo origen tienen los villancicos tan celebrados en los fiestas de Navidad y Corpus Christi. The pagination of this book ends at with the letter Q, beginning again with R as page 1. The Italian Cerone spent his life in the service of Spanish masters, first at Oristano in Spanish-controlled Sardinia, then at Madrid and later as a member of the Royal Chapel in the Spanish viceroyalty of Naples. According to the author, the chanzoneta must consist primarily of consonances, be almost wholly homophonic, and possess a light, graceful, joyful character.
Like Covarrubias, Cerone mentions the villancico alongside the villanesca, stating that both are forms that require repetition. New Grove, v, Cerone provides explicit instructions for the setting of the madrigal, hymn, motet and Mass. This would seem to suggest that by the final decade of the sixteenth century the term villancico was already being used generically to mean a vernacular composition for church use. The term villanesca appears much less frequently in this period than the terms villancico or chanzoneta.
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It is entirely possible that Covarrubias felt more obliged to define the borrowed Italian word than the mundane native one, whose meaning was known well enough not to require comment. Likewise, as Guerrero refers to the pieces in his own collection of songs as villancicos and chanzonetas, one could conjecture that the designation villanescas was used to stimulate sales of the volume in Italy. According to Carvallo, the head of the villancico must be a meaningful, pithy phrase which is then glossed, commented on, or explained in the several verses of the feet. After the commentary contained in the feet of the villancico, the head returns, either literally, or with new verse interpolated.
Rengifo notes that sure rules of versification cannot be given for some villancicos, because they depend more on music than on verse form. Thus, for Covarrubias, the villancico is a courtly stylisation of a rustic song. This would seem to be very much at odds with the often cited etymology which derives villancico directly from villano, a peasant or rustic.
At the musico-poetic level, the villancico seems to have been from the beginning a courtly stylisation by learned poets and composers, and not a direct imitation of rustic or 28 Alfonso de Carvallo, El cisne de Apolo. As the linguist Yakov Malkiel and the literary historian Charlotte Stern note in a joint article, this phoneme was neither part of the word villano, nor of the various diminuitive endings —ico, —ete, or —illo as they occurred in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. From at least , the sacred villancico as a genre may be largely identified with the common villancico morphology of estribillo, a refrain, and coplas, a set of verses which elaborate on the theme, metaphor, or concept set out in estribillo.
This might be attributed to a large extent to the relative absence of foreign musical influences in Mexico before the mid-eighteenth century—this lack of outside influence, and existence in a geographical though not artistic periphery tended to fossilise older musical practices.
This lack of foreigners circulating in Mexico meant in concrete terms that novohispanic composers and performers were not exposed to French, Italian, or in the case of Barcelona Viennese music during the first decades of the eighteenth century, as were many musicians in the Iberian Peninsula, particularly those of the Royal Chapel. Thus, the Italianate sections which were finding their way into the villancicos of the Spanish Royal Chapel in the first two decades of the eighteenth century were simply not present in New Spain—nor was the incipient recitado [recitative] which would soon take root in Spain.
The musical changes taking place in Madrid had not yet emanated outwards to New Spain. In this regular scheme, the through-composed estribillo was repeated after the last copla was sung, rounding off the musical form to ABBBA, with the B section repeated an undefined number of times, most often three or more. The first of these implications involves the formal articulation of the piece: the through-composed estribillo existed in opposition to the strophic coplas in a number of different ways.
Textually, the estribillo was typically a simple construction with abundant repetitions of the words, which was then contrasted to the prolix strophic coplas. Setting the text of the estribillo was a relatively straightforward process in which the composer strove to deliver a recurring message to the churchgoer—fitting music to the coplas was a different and more complex matter, however, many times requiring the singer or singers to make rhythmic adjustments in order to retain prosodic accents.
As stated, the coplas were a textual elaboration on the idea contained in the estribillo and could contain a good number of varying verses set to the same music. Thus, the weightier section of the villancico in a textual sense fell in the varied coplas, with the estribillo being relatively simpler. A final important point of opposition between estribillo and coplas is the difference in choral forces being employed in each section.
While the large choral mass was employed in the estribillo, the coplas were the province of soloists. This unique application of the concertato principle helped to preserve a measure of textual intelligibility, assigning the more difficult task of singing the wordy coplas to a soloist or soloists, while the larger choir, including the choirboys, took on the textually simpler estribillo. In smaller scale works, the same type of opposition of vocal forces may be seen—the villancico form embodied the concertato principle in both larger and smaller choral formations.
Talavera had become archbishop of Granada in , only a year after the final handover to the Catholic monarchs Ferdinand and Isabel of this last Muslim stronghold on the Iberian Peninsula. Gill and Son, However, the Te Deum was not sung on the Sundays of Advent, from Septuagesima to Palm Sunday, or the three days before Easter, where there were nine responses at Matins. The siestas had a long tradition in the novohispanic cathedrals—as early as the Mexico City chapter records report that This contestation is problematic, as Matins became the main occasion for chanzonetas and villancicos throughout the Spanish-speaking world.
Finally, the villancico de calenda sung at the Christmas Eve vigil constituted another important non-Matins occasion. However, the richest source of music written for the siestas of Corpus is the archive of the Guatemala Cathedral, with numerous works for the occasion by both local and Spanish authors. Joseph de Torres figures extremely prominently in works written for this occasion; over two dozen villancicos for the Holy Sacrament by this author are to be found in the Guatemala archive.
Despite these exceptions, when villancicos and chanzonetas are mentioned in such sources as the chapter records of the various cathedrals, the Mexico City ceremonial book which codified previous usage , the numerous endowments for memorials, or the many chapbook imprints of villancico texts, the reference is invariably to Matins. Figure 2, Villancicos sung at Christmas Matins As has been noted, a villancico followed the reading of each Matins lesson, with the Te Deum sung as the last responsory.
Thus, the villancicos required of a maestro de capilla for each occasion were eight in number—even with Christmas, Corpus Christi and the cathedral dedicatee taken as an absolute minimum, this meant composing twenty-four new pieces a year; invariably, there were more. Quite the opposite was true; the Spanish composer was called upon to produce a good number of villancicos each year, along with more durable Latin-texted works destined primarily for the triduum sacra of Holy Week.
The result was a small scale, but generally well-crafted set of eight pieces, helped along by the formal scheme of estribillo—coplas. Indeed, if the sacred oratorio of Carissimi or Charpentier could be described as an oil canvas painted on a large scale, the villancico was a delightful fresco, dashed off all at once by an able but many times hurried artisan.
Arrillaga provided a Spanish translation and commentary on the dictates of the synod. Hispania, 15, no. This was not a necessity for the religious message which was to be delivered in the musical celebration of a Church feast. However, the versifiers of the villancico did wish to show off their wit and skill, producing polished verses for the Matins service at hand, which was as much a social occasion as a religious one.
The penchant for cleverness in villancico verse did not abate with the advent of the eighteenth century. As will be seen in Chapter 7, Manuel de Sumaya continued the aesthetic of agudeza in his post Mexico City villancicos, favouring the complicated syntax and word play characteristic of novohispanic poetry. Many of the principles of classical rhetoric were at work in the villancico—as Bernardo Illari notes in a chapter on the genre, the authors wished to show off their ingenuity ingenium , waking the admiration admiratio of the listener, just as the orators of the classical period had sought to do.
The musical component of the piece had a relatively lesser value; it was the product of an artisan who often remained anonymous, or was known only to the performers. As in other Romance languages, Spanish verse was composed according to number of syllables per line. The most common metre for the villancico was the octosyllabic line, although six and seven syllable lines appeared with great regularity. This ternary metre was used along with the compasillo common time for the setting of villancico texts, while the metres with larger note values were reserved for Latin compositions requiring more gravity.
Finally, any introductory note to the villancico as verse must reiterate its ephemeral and occasional literary nature; only the fewest number of these poems transcend the circumstances for which they were written. Verses of eight syllables and less were called arte menor, or minor art—this applied to the villancico in both a technical and general sense. By September of , he was out of Peru and back in Chile. When he heard that his beloved wife Remedios was ill, he hastened back to Argentina but she died before he reached her side.
They settled in France. In , Argentina called him back to help settle a dispute with Brazil which eventually would lead to the establishment of the nation of Uruguay. He returned, but by the time he reached Argentina the tumultuous government had once again changed and he was not welcome. He spent two months in Montevideo before returning once again to France. There he led a quiet life before passing away in He was loyal to his beloved wife during most of his campaigns, only taking a clandestine lover at the end of his fighting in Lima.
His early wounds pained him greatly, and San Martin took a great deal of laudanum to relieve his suffering. Although it occasionally clouded his mind, it did not keep him from winning great battles. He enjoyed cigars and an occasional glass of wine. He refused almost all of the honors and rewards that grateful people of South America tried to give him, including rank, positions, land, and money.
In Argentina, there are statues, streets, parks, and schools named after him wherever you go. He believed that the people of Latin America needed a firm hand to lead them and was a proponent of establishing a monarchy, preferably led by some European prince, in the lands he liberated.
History has borne out his decisions and today his military choices are held up as examples of martial prudence rather than cowardice. Share Flipboard Email. Christopher Minster, Ph. Education: Seminary of Nobles, enrolled as cadet in the Murcia infantry regiment. Notable Quote: "The soldiers of our land know no luxury, but glory.
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