The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing

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Michelle Bigenho. Emma Cervone. Marcia C. Inhorn and Emily A. Wentzell, eds. Rosita Henry. James McDougall and Judith Scheele, eds.

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Senses of care: Embodying inequality and sustaining personhood in the home care of older adults in Chicago Sociable robots, jazz music, and divination: Contingency as a cultural resource for negotiating problems of intentionality Stealing Shining Rivers: Agrarian Conflict, Market Logic and Conservation in a Mexican Forest. Molly Doane. Ray Cashman. Gregory Feldman. Angela Garcia. Samuli Schielke. Morgan Y. Michael Cepek. Carole McGranahan. Joanne Rappaport and Tom Cummins. Matthew Gutmann and Catherine Lutz.

Jennifer Burrell and Ellen Moodie, eds. Peter Naccarato and Kathleen LeBesco. Detecting research patterns and paratextual features in AE word clouds, keywords, and titles Dreaming and Historical Consciousness in Island Greece. Charles Stewart. Katherine Swancutt. Rosario Montoya.

Ofra Goldstein-Gidoni. Maurice Bloch. Alpa Shah. Intimate Enemies: Violence and Reconciliation in Peru. Kimberly Theidon. Inhorn and Soraya Tremayne, eds. Nina G. Heidi Moksnes. Kevin K. Samuli Schielke and Liza Debevec, eds. Longina Jakubowska. Jennifer Jackson.

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Lochlann Jain. Christine R. Hariz Halilovich. Catherine Allerton. Stefan Sperling. Khiara M. Resources for Reform: Oil and Neoliberalism in Argentina. Elana Shever. Sex Tourism in Bahia: Ambiguous Entanglements. Erica Lorraine Williams. Some not-so-hidden injuries of class: Authoethnographies of U.

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Kristin L. The empire strikes back: War without war and occupation without occupation in the Russian sphere of influence The interpretation of lives or life as interpretation: Cohabiting with spirits in the Malagasy world The Neo-Indians: A Religion for the Third Millennium. Lucy Lyall Grant, trans. Mun Young Cho. David Picard. Neil L. Timothy de Waal Malefyt and Robert J. John Osburg. Back Stories: U. News Production and Palestinian Politics. Amahl A. Adoption Practice.

Christine Ward Gailey. Heather A. Horst and Daniel Miller, eds. Douglas R. Lawrence Babb. Figures of Southeast Asian Modernity. David Murray. Seth M. Stern, ed. Stern, and Kimberly Theidon, trans. Olaf Zenker. Danilyn Rutherford. Susan Ossman. Alisse Waterston. Javier Auyero. Peripheral Vision: Politics, Technology and Surveillance. Catarina Frois. Precarious Japan. Anne Allison.

Anya Bernstein. Return: Nationalizing Transnational Mobility in Asia. Xiang Biao, Brenda S. Yeoh, and Mika Toyota, eds. Michael A. Uzendoski and Edith Felicia Calapucha-Tapuy. Jens Dahl. Mosse and the Remaking of Cultural History. Karel Plessini. Nicholas J. Long and Henrietta L. Moore, eds. The Social Life of Spirits.

James Laidlaw. Christopher R. Witchcraft and a Life in the New South Africa. Isak Niehaus. The orthographic depth hypothesis in its strong form makes a very simple claim: there is no orthographic input lexicon in the minds of readers processing orthographies, which consist entirely of words with consistent spelling-sound correspondences. The argument is that orthographic access to semantics and the direct mapping from orthographic input lexicon to phonological output lexicon only exists in scripts with inconsistent spelling-sound correspondences, and does so precisely because of this inconsistency.

Mar EthnoHistory.

Meeting Peru’s indigenous peoples is a trip highlight, but troubling, too - The Globe and Mail

Lisa Sousa Kevin Terraciano. This article features the transcription, translation, and analysis of two primordial titles, written in the Mixtec and Nahuatl languages, and a large map. Two indigenous communities in the Valley of Oaxaca attempted to lay claim to disputed territory by presenting these competing "titles," ostensibly written in the s, to Spanish authorities in the s. The titles present each community's account of the Spanish Conquest of Oaxaca and subsequent colonial events.

We consider how the documents shed light on Mixtec and Nahua ethnic identity and historical memory in the Valley of Oaxaca in the late colonial period. Joanne Rappaport Abelardo Ramos Pacho. Indigenous cultural planning and research presupposes the generation of new theoretical perspectives that originate in the cultures of native groups. This article reflects upon what theorizing involves in situations of ethnic militancy. We argue that indigenous theorists move between the construction of conceptual frameworks that originate in indigenous cultures and those that arise out of the intercultural context of the indigenous organization.

As an example of the latter, we analyze our experience on a collaborative team that studied the history of the Bilingual Intercultural Education Program of the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca to show that discourses of political autonomy are as significant as are cultural discourses in the production of native theory.

The Andean Soldiers of Christ. Confraternity organization, the Mass of the Sun and regenerative warfare in rural Potosi 18thth centuries. El autor examina algunas dudas recientes sobre la eficacia misionera del cristianismo colonial en la region surandina. Presenta la organizacion etnica del ciclo festivo catolico en una parroquia valluna de los Macha : San Marcos de Miraflores Provincia Charcas, Bolivia.

Se analiza la fiesta solar de Corpus Christi en base a : 1 un texto de un Libro de Fabrica local hoy perdido , que ofrece detalles de la organizacion cofraternal en se imprime este texto aqui, extraido de los apuntes de campo y las fotografias del autor ; y 2 la descripcion etnografica de la misma fiesta en que incluye ciertos ritos no mencionados en la version del siglo Ethnographic "New Literacy Studies" question the idea that literacy as such has any uniform effects, arguing instead that effects of literacy inhere in the social practices that impart it.

What change, then, does literacy produce where it arrived from two opposed sets of practices? In Quechua- and Aymara-speaking villages on the high plains of Lake Titicaca, universal public schooling is a relatively recent innovation. It overlays an unofficial literacy that racially and linguistically stigmatized peasants acquired up to a century ago as cultural contraband and as a tool of conflict. Field research in in Azingaro province focuses on Quechua households' memories of acquiring literacy and their ways of reading, making, using, and curating the documents resulting from it.

A team of locally rooted researchers interviewed rural herder-farmers about past and present literacy practices. The papers in their household archives, almost all in Spanish, stand poles apart from indigenous Quechua speech. Moreover, the Spanish household papers' use is diglossic as compared to rural Spanish. Yet despite this double dissociation from speech, writing has become deeply involved in traditional practices of social reciprocity, ritual, and song.

Writing has somewhat the status of a "parallel language," useful precisely because of its separateness from the hazards of unequal bilingualism. Schools take little notice of these informal traditions. Attention to them might work in favor of improved classroom achievement. Ethnography and the Closing of the Frontier in Lower Congo, Jul Africa.

Wyatt MacGaffey. The research that led to the writing of this paper began with a puzzle. The four volumes of K. Who were these men and why is there no explicit reference to them in the books? The lack of any indication of who wrote what and on what authority deprives this ethnography of much of its potential value Janzen, From its pages emerged a clear sense of a group of men whose position in the nascent colonial order explained both their ethnographic ambitions and their subsequent disappearance from the record.

Jun Susan E. The scheme was aimed beyond the traditional instruction to Christianize and Hispanicize the native boys and girls. The bishop founded the local primary schools in native communities, boarding schools in the cities of Trujillo and Cajamarca, and ecclesiastical seminaries in Trujillo Lambayeque, Piura, and Cajamarca to train missionaries. The bishop envisioned the education as a means to turn potentially rebellious native subjects into dutiful and productive citizens. The implemented educated system was publicly supported that emphasized practical knowledge and indoctrinated the young in respect for secular and ecclesiastic officials.

Educational policies and experiments among indigenous populations in Peru. Sep Prospects. Dec Eur J Dev Res. In various parts of francophone Africa, farmers use 'pieces of paper' to record transactions such as the 'sale' with all the inherent ambiguity of the term of land or delegation of cultivation rights. The aim of these local institutional innovations is to certify that the transaction has taken place. The parties often try to get these contracts validated by a local government authority.

Although the procedures may be incomplete and not legal, such 'informal formalisation' of transactions does help to reduce uncertainty and provide greater security within the complex web of tenure relations. New insights can now be gained into local dynamic processes and the role of the state in making tenure rights more secure. Literacy in Three Metaphors. Sylvia Scribner. A description and analysis of the socio-medical work of Dr. A medical doctor who trained lay health workers to fight smallpox and typhus; and promoted hygiene.

By linking public health to respect for native culture, local sanitary workers were able to educate rural people and collaborate with local healers. An alternative to coercive medical approaches used in indigenous societies. The Inka language in the colonial world. Could Sangama Read? Jan Hist Anthropol. Peter Gow. Linguistic pluralism or prescriptivism? Jun Ling Educ. Educational Reforms in Peru indicate a shift toward a more tolerant view of language diversity. For instance, the Education Law Ministry of Education, establishes the teaching of respect for indigenous languages and language diversity as a main goal in the area of language.

This law is important, but it does not imply a real acceptance of language diversity. This article examines language ideologies toward language variation and regional varieties of Spanish in Peru's official first-year language high school textbook, Talento. Using Critical Discourse Analysis, it examines the text's content, and the rhetorical devices utilized to express it i. Additionally, it briefly reviews Peruvian educational policies and curriculum. As will be shown here, Talento does not really endorse language diversity.

More so, the textbook evidences a hidden curriculum which advances prescriptivism and the superiority of standard Spanish over regional varieties of Spanish. Sep Lang Soc. This paper sketches Spanish colonial policies toward Southern Peruvian Quechua in order to identify long-term trends and constants. I emphasize the following conjunctures in the debate on the status of the indigenous languages: 1 the simultaneous efforts to restrict the inroads of bilingualism in the legal and political domain and to encourage bilingualism among local headmen so as to facilitate indirect rule in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries; 2 the debate as to the role of the vernacular in religious education and missionary work in the same period, a debate in which the position favoring use of the vernacular held out for a time against calls for forced liquidation of the indigenous languages; 3 the ascendancy of the position calling for liquidation in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries; and 4 the role of Southern Peruvian Quechua as a nationalist emblem during the eighteenth century.

These conjunctures have considerable relevance today. Differences in vocabulary and ideological justification have obscured the continuity between colonial and modern language policy. The issues debated, the limits of the alternatives proposed as solutions, and even the practical efforts carried out on behalf of alternative policies, have been surprisingly perdurable.

Language policy, colonialism, South America, Quechua. Jan Comp Stud Soc Hist. Stephen A. Kowalewski Jacqueline J. The object of this essay has been to help examine spatiotemporal variation in literacy. The research reported here centered on the Valley of Oaxaca, an agricultural region in southern Mexico, during the period from to The data consist of a systematic compilation of tax and voting lists from the nineteenth century, census responses from to , community ethnographies, published histories and biographies, and government reports.

Attending to both the spatial and the temporal scales of events and causes was methodologically important for this research. May J Lat Am Stud. Mark Thurner. The Pasts of an Indian Village. Apr Comp Stud Soc Hist. Bernard S. Events of the last two hundred years have led many scholars to divide the societies of the world into contrasting pairs, such as developed—under-developed, advanced—backward, traditional—modern.

Central to these concepts are not only ideas about the level of technological development, but the very character of the societies and cultures which are compared and contrasted as well. It was the end of the dry season and the land was parched. The spring storms were about to roll in, and farmers would take cover indoors for fear of being found by a lightning bolt in the flat expanse. Urury, like most residents of Carancas, is part of the indigenous Aymara nation, a group that has lived here for centuries.

There are no fences, and a single dirt road bisects the plain. Urury got on his bicycle and raced toward the smoke. He discovered a crater nearly 50 feet wide. The ground was dusted red, and a sulphuric smell stung his nose as he peered over the edge of the pit. The water table in this area is very shallow, only about 5 feet below the surface, and the hole had immediately filled with dark green water, which was bubbling from the heat.

Around him he saw debris: clay and jagged rock, scattered like shrapnel. It looked like a bomb had gone off. Urury borrowed a motorcycle and rode the 7 miles to Desaguadero, a town of about 20, people, to alert the local police. By the time they arrived, dozens of people had gathered and were picking up rock fragments around the crater. Urury and the police started collecting debris as well.

By now, panic and confusion had taken hold in some places around the altiplano. Some thought the plain had combusted and were waiting for the fire that would engulf them. Others were certain that the end of days had arrived. People retreated to their houses to pray with their children. Around the world, experts were also confounded. Peter Schultz, a professor at the Department of Earth, Environmental, and Planetary Sciences at Brown University, first heard of the Carancas event while attending an impact-crater conference in Montreal.

Good question. It was unclear. Craters like this are extremely rare. Even more unusual were reports of a mysterious illness. Within hours of the impact, it seemed, people were getting sick in Carancas. Urury had already collected several dozen small rocks when his son called from the city of Tacna and said not to touch them because they were dangerous. The fear spread. The rocks were somehow toxic, people thought, or radioactive or just plain cursed. Locals had packed themselves 10 to a truck to see the crater and were now complaining of headaches and vomiting.

News reports said that livestock were bleeding from their noses, and hospitals and health clinics in the area were full of patients. On the popular meteorite-list listserv, scientists and amateur enthusiasts alike debated the nature of the Carancas event. People were skeptical about both the illness and the crater itself. The only way to make a proper determination was to see it in person, collect samples, or retrieve the impact mass.

But this crater was in a remote area, difficult and expensive to reach. Across the Atlantic on that same day, Mike Farmer walked through an olive grove in central Spain. Among the fallen olives he spotted a small stone, dark and rough. It was part of a rare achondrite meteorite that had exploded over Spain four months earlier, lighting up the evening for the tourists staying in the surrounding villas. This olive grove sat square in the area Farmer had calculated was the likely debris field.

He could tell immediately that it was a eucrite, similar to a meteorite that landed in Brazil in , and likely very valuable. Ward and Farmer could identify the rock because they were professional meteorite hunters, members of a small clan of adventurers, most of whom make their livings retrieving specimens for the rarified trade in extraterrestrial mineralogy. They trawl exposed terrain for weeks or longer looking for long-fallen space rocks, and snap into action to travel across the planet whenever a fireball appears over some far-flung place.

Ward always keeps a packed duffel that includes kits for desert or jungle or whatever terrain might await him. Meteorites are not often kind enough to land in the pleasant orchards of Iberian hill country. Between them, Farmer and Ward have found thousands of meteorites all over the world: in Argentina, India, Kenya, Morocco. Deserts are good for meteorite hunting; flat, dry, and unchanging, the sandy surfaces can yield ancient finds.

At the time of this trip, Farmer and Ward had been working together for about a year, having first teamed up in on an expedition to the Arabian Peninsula, where they discovered, among other things, a beautifully feldspathic piece of the moon in a desolate stretch of the Dhofar desert, deep in southern Oman. Meteorite hunting attracts a type.

It requires study, dedication, and a tolerance for dirt and disappointment.


It can be monotonous. You spend a lot of time looking at the ground and you never know when something might catch your eye, so you are always looking. Farmer says he once found two meteorites while pooping. But the drudgery can pay off dramatically. In Oman, Farmer and Ward drove in circles. They argued. And they were coming up empty in every sense, running low on gas more than miles from the nearest outpost, when Ward wandered away from the truck, eyes on the ground, and returned through a cloud of dust with a big smile and a lunar meteorite that had formed 3.

Ward reckoned it was the 40th moon rock ever found on Earth. Ward and Farmer make an odd pair. Ward is an experienced outdoorsman, having spent weeks in the Arizona desert alone with just a bedroll growing up. He was fine with not showering for a week at a time in the Omani desert, while Farmer did his best to dry bathe three times a day with baby powder out of the back of their off-road vehicle.

But they had complementary skills. Farmer is known for being relentless. Ward considers himself lucky or even fated; he once found some ancient space rocks not more than yards from where the California gold rush began at Sutter's Mill. At heart, they are aligned in their mutual thrill of the hunt. They were accompanied in Spain by Moritz Karl, a fellow space rock enthusiast from Germany. Karl was quiet, a chain-smoking bookworm born into what counts as a Brahmin family in the mineralogical world.

His father is a rare-rock dealer in Frankfurt, and used to bring his teenage son to Libya to search for meteorites.

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In college, Karl studied engineering, but he later returned to the family business and discovered a deeper love for the field. After a day of poking around olive groves, the group retreated to their hotel. He called Ward. A crater in the middle of an empty plain. Photos of villagers posing with black rocks in their palms. And reports of witnesses falling ill, struck by some invisible ailment. Farmer was skeptical; he thought it might be a hoax. The forums were full of theories: It was a spy satellite, it was volcanic, it was just a sinkhole. There were images of fragments, but they looked like chondrite, and that made no sense.

Chondrites are among the most fragile of space rocks. They usually burn up or explode in the atmosphere. Karl smoked and looked at the screen, uncertain. Ward was undaunted; he wanted to see it firsthand. They knew they had to move fast. Speed is vital in the case of a witness fall—when a meteor is seen hitting the Earth—because rival groups will be vying for the same otherworldly prize.

At times the competition includes a French father-son duo, a Russian team known for long hunts in places accessible only by helicopter, and a pair from Oregon who hunt with what they claim is a team of meteorite-sniffing dogs. It can be a shifty business, and distrust is common. Once, before they teamed up and were both hunting the same landfall in Kenya, Ward thought Farmer was having him followed—until he realized the tail was hired by someone else altogether.

Both the mystery and the money were irresistible, although not equally between them. Farmer is the more mercantile hunter; finding meteorites provides his main income, and he sees the rocks as a rare commodity, often worth more than their weight in gold. Ward is independently wealthy and keeps a lot of what he finds for his impressive collection, which is housed in a biometrically locked display room at his ranch outside Prescott. His business card says "Robert Ward, Planetary Science Field Research," and he likes contributing to the scholarship of meteorites, often donating pieces of his finds to the Chicago Field Museum, where he is a volunteer field researcher.

He is also flat-out awed by space rocks as pieces of the tangible cosmos. He remembers the cherry-red highlights, the dark center, the plasma dissipating around it, and ever since that moment he has felt compelled to hunt them. Early civilizations understood that meteorites had an extra-terrestrial origin. The Christian conception of an invariable, geocentric universe composed of perfect forms excluded any notion of cosmic flaws, much less untethered rocks crisscrossing the ether.

For the Church, to suggest that something fell from the sky was blasphemy. In , a German physicist named Ernst F. Chladni collected historical reports and data into a page book that made the first proposal in scientific literature that meteorites originated in space. Nininger, a biology professor at McPherson College, in Kansas, who in read an article about meteorites in The Scientific Monthly and became an instant convert. A few years later, Nininger left the stability of his tenured post, bought a Ford Model T, and set out on a string of international journeys looking for landfalls.

It was one of these books— Find a Falling Star —that the year-old Ward discovered in the science stacks at the Prescott library the day after he saw that fireball in the western sky. Ward was hooked; he borrowed the book a dozen times, worrying the pages. Heidelar handed Ward a nice, sculpted piece as big as his hand and has been selling to and occasionally buying from Ward ever since. Farmer was an adult when he became captivated by the allure of meteorites during his own trip to a rock fair.

Every year, merchants and fanatics of fossils, gems, and minerals converge on Tucson, Arizona, and occupy every available hotel room in the city. In Farmer was living in Tucson, and on a whim one day he walked to the Holiday Inn Express near his apartment and happened into the room where Robert Haag had a makeshift shop. Farmer was fascinated. Farmer was hooked. These finds were like his pottery shards, elevated to cosmic grandeur. Then Came the Tourists.

She was a radio operator on the ships where Farmer worked as a Spanish translator, eavesdropping on drug flights coming from Colombia. Farmer would make excuses to come out of the secure facility and flirt with her, and their romance unfolded from there. After the Army, he tried being a hotshot firefighter but thought it too grueling. He worked retail jobs and then went back to school.

Eventually he did, and Haag took Farmer under his wing. Farmer announced to Melody that he was dropping out of school, but not before he could redirect his student loans toward meteoritic investment. Melody picked up odd jobs while Farmer followed the news for any hint of a meteorite sighting. Money was slow to materialize.

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He bought a car and used the rest as a down payment on a house. Prices for meteorites vary by size, abundance, and origin. Individual pieces are named for their falls. Sikhote-Alin is the premiere iron. Provenance is identified by certificate, but many dealers and collectors can identify the origin of a specimen by sight. They can tell by color or crust features or the form of the interior, where the true beauty of meteorites lies.

The face of an iron meteorite, washed with nitric acid, reveals a tight mosaic of metallic etchings. Open up a chondrite, the most common form of stony meteorite, and you see spangled stardust. A well-cut pallasite can be polished to look like royal silver studded with jewels. Some say Esquel is the king of the pallasites because it has such a unique alloy composition that never tarnishes.

There are pieces of the Fukang meteorite, found in northwest China in , that when held up to light shine like the stained-glass windows in Tours Cathedral—if the stained glass had been forged in volcanoes on planets that disintegrated 4 billion years ago. Meteorite hunting has always relied on an unkind ratio of perseverance to providence, going back to H. After devoting their lives to traveling and lecturing about the importance of meteorites, the Niningers were mired in debt.

When they offered their collection of thousands of specimens to the Smithsonian, the museum declined. The Niningers needed a miracle—and then one plummeted through the roof of a house in eastern Alabama and struck a woman named Ann Hodges. A bidding war erupted for the rest, and meteorite hunting suddenly became a business. Ann Hodges herself got caught up in meteorite mania and became embroiled in a battle with her landlord as to who owned the meteorite that hit her.

It was worth money, she realized. Money that fate wanted her to have. In his early years, Farmer found meteorites to be a tough business. There were times when Farmer had to borrow money to make it through a few lean seasons. It can be a tricky trade when sometimes all your assets are as illiquid as they come, in the form of rocks.

Farmer and Melody were also trying to start a family but were having trouble. Melody suggested that he turn his focus back to meteorites. Something was bound to fall from the sky. People have always looked to the stars for meaning and destiny. And can you blame them? There was danger in the darkness, while the constellations provided security, marking time and guiding voyages.

Ever since the first astronomers chronicled the traffic of the firmament, the historical record is full of those who appealed to the heavens for signs and found them in stars and supernovae, orbital ice, and errant rocks. The Aztecs identified the god Quetzalcoatl with the planet Venus and believed that it forecast the future. The Romans venerated a meteorite they referred to as the Needle of Cybele and attributed a surprise victory over Hannibal to their possession of this interplanetary amulet.

Of course, arbitrary suffering was also attributed to celestial phenomena. The Middle Ages took a characteristically fearful view of heavenly signs, often interpreting them as angry salvos aimed at sinners by a vengeful God. A boy took a photo.

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Villagers figured it must be Superman. Someone else said it was a mythical creature. Hiroshima, by comparison, was 15 kilotons. Presumably, this would have been a really bad omen. In the days after the Carancas meteorite struck the altiplano, some people chose to see the visitation as a sign that there would be a good year, but more said the opposite.

The Lettered Mountain

People asked Maximiliano Trujillo, the mayor, for guidance. Trujillo had been elected only recently and was the type of leader who respected tradition. He heard grievances, marched in local parades, and presided over ancient rituals in the fields. He was popular, a politician people believed in. Yet now he felt unprepared. The hospital in Desaguadero was treating people for nausea, vomiting, and headaches. A health director from Puno, the nearest city, came to visit the site and thought he was developing symptoms himself.

The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing
The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing
The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing
The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing
The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing
The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing
The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing
The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing The Lettered Mountain: A Peruvian Village’s Way with Writing

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